Why it is your duty to stop supporting the government →
ethics →
existentialism and ethical thought experiments
The room hunt continues.
Over the last few weeks I’ve been living in-between homes — sleeping in stale sheets on a mattress on the floor surrounded by boxes, using a corner payphone on a loud street to make calls and sharing a slow internet connection at a public library one hour a day, except on Sundays and Mondays when the library is closed.
My mind has been unsettled too, which means that today’s Picket Line will be a meandering ramble over lots of territory.
When I was a kid, playing organized sports, I remember learning certain ways of losing.
I don’t mean that I learned ways to throw a game, but that just as winning has certain protocols (to gloat or not to gloat, for instance), so does losing.
Some of these techniques I learned from other kids, but many of them I learned from parents and teachers and coaches.
When they noticed the discouragement of impending loss descending on the team, they’d show us how to lose less painfully.
One technique is to change your goals, so that instead of sadly failing to win the game you’re triumphantly succeeding at playing a good game, or doing your best, or giving everybody an even chance to play.
Another technique is to claim victory on some other playing field: beating the other team at playing fair-and-square, or at being good sports, or at playing the better, though losing, game (whenever remotely plausible, I learned, luck is to blame for things that go wrong, while skill and just reward are the best explanations for things that go right).
Before the game both sides were clear as to what the stakes were, how the victor would be defined, and what meaning the victory would have.
The loser must unremember all of this.
Of course the winning team is not going to participate in these redefinitions.
The coaches of the winning teams I was on didn’t spend a lot of time reassuring us that we were every bit as good as the team that scored fewer points but that clearly did its best, played fair, and showed true spirit in spite of its terrible luck.
I remember disliking these tricks at the time — seeing them as akin to what we called “indian giving” (perhaps in tribute to the game-redefinitions that characterized the treaty negotiations between the United States and the “fully sovereign” native Americans).
These tricks seemed like cheating. Or maybe not cheating exactly, but dishonorable in a similar way.
Like the “sour grapes” technique of not losing some struggle you’d lost.
Or the “best two out of three” gambit to a coin toss that doesn’t go your way.
But on the other hand, nobody likes to lose — particularly a kid — and the grown-ups probably thought they were doing us a favor by showing us the sneaky exits they’d learned about.
I’ve tried many of these excuses over the years as balms to soothe the hurt of defeat, and have in my turn ridiculed the balms used by those I’ve defeated.
The earliest of these placebos come to lose their effectiveness, but often only to be redrafted in more complex forms and brought back into service, disguised with sophistication.
How often do you hear a news account of a court case in which the phrase “both sides claimed the ruling as a victory” is used?
You’d think cases like this could be easily settled out of court.
I was reminded of all this by a phrase I heard a few days ago — one that comes up again and again at peacenik events.
The phrase is “incredibly powerful statement” and it is usually used to decorate the description of some wholly ineffective but goodhearted gesture.
The “peace movement” is full of these feel-good lies that transform actual defeats into moral victories.
Listen to the folk songs at rallies — we’re powerful, we’re rising, the People are with us, victory is ours, we will change the world, thinking good thoughts is probably all that’s necessary, it feels good to be as righteous as we are.
It reminds me of the hymns sung at feel-good liberal Christian churches — nobody really dies, there’s no good reason to question that a benevolent God exists, Jesus lives and counts you as one of his bestest friends, giving up sin is easy and painless and not really all that necessary anyway, it feels good to be as righteous as we are.
Turning to a belief system like these when the chips are down is like getting nothing but a Hallmark “get well” card from your family when you’re dying in the hospital.
When I hear the chant “The People, United, Will Never Be Defeated” I also hear the gentle campfire songs from my childhood:
“We are one in the spirit, we are one in The Lord…”
They have a similar purpose — to reinforce a myth and to exchange an unfavorable reality for a triumphant fantasy.
One reaction to this are the violent, “black bloc”-style protests (expect to see some at the upcoming party nominating conventions) — which are as much a reaction against the nonviolent protesters as they are an action directed against those outposts of capitalism, globalism and imperialism cleverly disguised as Starbucks franchises.
These protesters see nonviolent protest as a pathetic and timid pleading to an unresponsive and hostile government — symbolic rather than direct, predictable (and predictably ineffective), self-aggrandizing, hobbyish, and effectively collaborationist:
Ultimately, no better than the electoral process at generating real change.
And they’re not willing to go along with the well-worn techniques of losing.
Their verdict is just.
But violent protest, if subjected to the same withering analysis, would probably fall harder and faster.
For one thing, this government has an overwhelming advantage in any sort of violent confrontation, and this would probably be true even if the protesters used less arbitrary tactics and had the support of a large majority of the civilian population.
Violent conflict with the government is a losing proposition at this stage (even when looked at simply pragmatically and strategically, not ethically).
But the “black bloc” crew wants to try something that might actually work, and they probably reason that if the non-violent protest organizers and the authorities both angrily oppose their tactics it must mean that they’re on to something.
(I must say that in their favor, the violent protesters have much more provocative chants:
“2 — 4 — 6 — 8 — Don’t impeach: assassinate!” has a thrill to it that “What do we want? Peace! When do we want it? Now!” will never have.)
This isn’t to say that the situation is hopeless.
What I mean to say is that this pathetic-nonviolent-protest vs. futile-violent-protest dichotomy is a false one.
The “nonviolent protest movement” in this dichotomy is a caricature (unfortunately one that has come to life in a form that seems almost as though it were designed to fail).
The path to success lies in neither of these extremes, but in a movement that does not mistake a non-confrontational action for a non-violent one, and one that does not confuse making an “incredibly powerful statement” with making progress.
People who are committed to (or who prefer) nonviolence and who regret the rise of the “black bloc” and other violent protesters should ask how Gandhi prevented the Indian National Congress from choosing the tactics of those in India who were advocating armed insurrection.
The answer: he was more hard-core than they were, and he demonstrated results.
Demonstrating results is going to be a slow-and-steady process.
There are billions of us sharing this planet, so we have to keep our expectations low about the global effects of our individual actions.
It takes a whole bunch of people, all working in the same direction, to extinguish a species or to build weapons of mass destruction with global reach.
Similarly, no one can expect to undo this sort of nonsense alone or with a single change of heart.
We each do what we can and hope that there will be enough of us doing what we can to make a difference.
But being more hard-core means first of all to care enough about the problem to do more than “root” from the sidelines.
Putting a bumper-sticker on your car is something you’d do for your favorite football team.
Holding a sign at a rally is like something a really enthusiastic fan might do at the stadium.
If you really care enough, you’ll want to be a player on the field.
If you really care enough, a “moral victory” — or any other second-best “statement” — won’t be the victory you’re fighting for.
Don’t mistake rooting for something with working for it.
Don’t think that your regret and disapproval about your country’s actions is being solemnly weighed somewhere.
(It isn’t, but your taxes are.)
If all you want is to “make an incredibly powerful statement” — go start a blog.
If only I had recourse to that Christian thought experiment about what happens at the end of your life if you have to “meet your maker” and plead your case before an omniscient and just God.
Imagine Joe Liberal stammering as God asks how he reacted to the Reign of the Dubya Squad.
Joe remembers having angrily talked politics over beers, and having pretended he really did feel as passionate about the issues as he now wishes he had — spinning mad shit about the Nuremberg Principles and the French Resistance and feeling around with his eyes closed for that line he knew he wouldn’t cross or for that ever-retreating line that if they ever cross they’ll have finally gone too far.
But then he remembers the bumperstickers on his car, and the emails he forwarded, and the time he clicked on that button on that website to add himself to that petition, and the letter he signed and sent to his Senator (he thinks he remembered to put that in the mail), and the time he shouted down that gung ho patriot in his own living room during that party.
Joe remembers how he boldly helped block traffic at that rally, even for a while after the cops told him to disperse.
And with a hubris that makes a sound like falling harps he open his mouth to say all this and the Schwarzeneggar of the Skies puts up a hand to silence him and says “I didn’t ask what your opinion was; I asked if you supported the government. Nevermind…” and He pulls out a file folder.
It’s not the Book of Judgment — in my thought experiment it’s worse.
It’s all of his W-2 forms.
And some sort of seraphim or something is there with an adding machine summing up everything that went to Dubya over the years.
And Joe’s mouth is opening and closing with a “ba-ba-ba-ba” like he’s singing do-wop with these falling harps and he reaches for the last thing he’s got, the awful, the hopeless, the White House Lawyer-Approved Eichmann Defense:
“That’s not my fault — I didn’t have any choice!”
And it’s like he’s said the magic word, but instead of Groucho’s duck, pie charts and graphs fall from the sky and he sees himself surrounded by evidence that not only could he have avoided paying federal income taxes, but more than a third of his fellow Americans did avoid it.
What the hell was Joe’s excuse?
He knew what the government was using that money for and he paid it anyway.
Okay, enough. I’ve given this speech before.
I don’t believe that I’m going to the big traffic court in the sky when I die and probably neither do you, so why am I having this strange daydream?
I think it’s because even if there’s no Judgment, I can still tell there’s right and wrong.
Even if the statutes haven’t come down on stone tablets embroidered with lightning bolts and suitable for southern courthouses, I’ve still got to shrug off this inconvenience and find out what’s right and do it.
The judge is me, and even so, he shows no favoritism, and the reason I can hear him is not because I’ve died and gone to an unlikely heavenly prelim, but because I’m very much alive.
After I had the terrible realization that even in the wake of such a shocking and successfully brutal terrorist attack on my country, I feared my government’s reaction to the attack more than I feared Al Qaeda.
I found myself wanting to speak out with a strong voice against the direction the country was taking and against the actions of the government, but I found myself holding back because the voice of my conscience would tell me “if you really believed what you say you believe, you wouldn’t be able to continue to fund the government the way you do.”
Eventually, I came to really believe what I said I believed.
When I started this experiment in “tax avoision” I kind of gritted my teeth, bunched my brow, put my head down and started forward.
But so far the path has been all downhill and the weather’s been fine.
My life is fuller now than it was before, and I’m happier and more relaxed.
I’ve got more free time, and I haven’t really had to sacrifice much — most of my savings have come from spending smarter and taking on less-expensive pastimes.
I’m eating as well or better than before, for instance, but I’m cooking at home rather than going out.
I can drink drip coffee at home all month for the price of one of the mochas I used to grab on my way to work.
I’m living a life that’s more closely aligned with my principles — a long overdue reconciliation of my actions with my deepest intentions.
And this has given me a strong and unexpected sense of relief.
I tried to describe this feeling to a friend a long time ago and came up with a sort of half-assed analogy that I haven’t been able to improve:
You know how when someone’s house gets robbed, the person often feels a sense of violation and loss that goes way beyond the value of whatever is missing?
I bet if that person was robbed again the next week, it wouldn’t be quite so bad.
And if they were robbed every week, pretty soon it wouldn’t register much besides a curiosity of “what’s missing this time?”
But if the robbery stopped, and suddenly they felt that they were safe in their home, that their belongings were really theirs, maybe a sense of elation would come in that’s equal and opposite to the feeling of the original violation.
I sometimes feel embarrassed by the ease of my experiment and by its strong personal rewards.
I’m not supposed to be enjoying myself!
This is supposed to be sacrifice and hard work!
What happened to feeling “hard-core?” Instead “tax avoision” has turned out to be satisfying and suspiciously harmonious with my laziness.
Ultimately, though, I’m no glutton for punishment: I’m glad it’s been easy so far.
I am concerned sometimes that what I’m doing is more of a passive reaction rather than an assertive action.
My tax resistance isn’t so much working for good as it is minimizing my collaboration with evil.
But at least it doesn’t interfere with my working for good, or counteract whatever good works I might do.
I like to think The Picket Line is one of these good works — more than “a powerful statement” I hope, but an encouragement and a resource for people trying to take the small, patient steps toward a better world.
I had somehow taken it for granted that we all still believe with Socrates that it is better to suffer than to do wrong.
This belief turned out to be a mistake.
There was a widespread conviction that it is impossible to withstand temptation of any kind, that none of us could be trusted or even expected to be trustworthy when the chips are down, that to be tempted and to be forced are almost the same, whereas in the words of Mary McCarthy, who first spotted this fallacy: “If somebody points a gun at you and says, ‘Kill your friend or I will kill you,’ he is tempting you, that is all.”
And while a temptation where one’s life is at stake may be a legal excuse for a crime, it certainly is not a moral justification.
―From Hannah Arendt, Personal Responsibility Under Dictatorship
More grab-bag material:
You can now visualize the U.S. war fatality statistics in Iraq in two new ways:
Obleek’s Flash animation moves forward in time at a pace of ten days per second , and peppers a map of Iraq with dots, where each one “indicates the geographic location that a coalition military fatality occurred.”
A Palm Beach Post map turns this around, and shows where in the United States each of the American fatalities from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan came from (at least those who hailed from the contiguous 48 states).
revival of the Twilight Zone series featured an episode entitled “Button, button”, based on a short story by Richard Matheson.
In the story, a gaunt, black-clad gentleman arrives uninvited at the cramped apartment of a financially destitute couple and presents them with a tempting though somewhat ominous offer.
He gives them a simple wooden box with a clear plastic lid overtop a large red button — the type of nondescript contraption teens might build in a high school Woodshop class — and explains their options:
1) Don’t push the button.
Nothing happens; the man will come back tomorrow to claim the box.
2) Push the button and get $200,000 — tax free — and someone will die.
“Who?” the wife asks.
“Someone you don’t know,” the man replies.
He then leaves them to think about it.
The husband decides it’s unconscionable, but the wife wants to go for it.
After all, what is the death of someone they don’t know?
People die all the time, don’t they?
Maybe a bad person will be the one to die.
“And maybe it’ll be someone’s newborn baby,” the husband counters.
In the end of the story, after much deliberation, the wife decides that they’re owed this and pushes the button.
Nothing happens immediately.
Then, later in the day, the gaunt, black-clad gentleman returns with a briefcase full of cash.
He gives the couple their money and takes his box back.
The wife asks what will happen now and the man replies:
“The button box will be reset and the same offer will be made to someone else…
someone who doesn’t know you.”
Those of you who have been intrigued by my mentions of freeganism and its potential for a lifestyle of radical frugality may be interested in the Dumpster World discussion board, where dumpster divers from all over the place share their wisdom.
It’s not all “do you think this meat is still good?” — there is a lot of discussion of restoring and repairing discarded furniture and appliances and other such topics as well.
How’s our great national flashback coming along?
Read the transcript of the President assuring the world “We will not be defeated.
We will not grow tired. We will not withdraw.”
David Morris at Alternet reviews some of the history behind (Economic) Independence Day.
Apparently Gandhi wasn’t the first one to try swadeshi in a campaign to break free from the British Empire:
Before we declared our political independence we declared our economic independence.
All things English were placed on the blacklist.
Frugality came into fashion.
Out of the First Continental Congress in New York came the embryonic nation’s first Chamber of Commerce.
Given the current policies of the Chamber, it might be useful this July 4th to recall its first campaign slogan, “Save your money and you can save your country.”
Bostonian Sam Adams, the fiery leader of the movement, knew that frugality was not enough.
To become truly independent, America had to produce at home what was previously imported from England.
Members of Boston’s Whig Party demonstrated their patriotism by nursing tea leaves and mulberry trees in their gardens.
New England farmers were exhorted to convert their oak plains into sheep pastures and produce enough wool to clothe every American.
Colonists were urged to abstain from eating lamb or mutton in order to encourage American woolen manufactures.
In less than a year the boycott had so disrupted Transatlantic trade that thousands of British workers lost their jobs.
And, going back a bit more into American history, Murray Rothbard makes a very interesting investigation of Pennsylvania’s Anarchist Experiment — when the Pennsylvania colony was “in a de facto condition of individual anarchism, and seemed none the worse for the experience.”
One of the reasons why tax resistance for reasons of conscientious objection is so slow to catch on, I think, is that it takes a lot of imagination to trace the path between the effort we expend to earn money, the often subliminal ways in which that money is siphoned away from us by the government, the ways the government spends the money, and the effect of that spending on people.
It’s easy to think of your income as your after-tax income and just ignore the taxes as an inevitable friction loss.
And it’s easy to get flummoxed by the diffusion by which all of your tax contributions get churned together in one big pot with everyone elses’ and so it’s impossible to know whose taxes got spent on what.
Maybe “yours” were spent on something benign.
Hard to say.
The connection passes through such a fog that to most people it seems absurd to think that any responsibility passes along with it.
In large-scale evils, the sort that governments enable people to do, this sort of diffusion of responsibility is commonplace, so that in the end there can be mass murders that require the cooperation of thousands of people in which everyone involved can claim that they are not responsible for murdering anybody.
Indeed, engineering this sort of thing has become an art — case in point is the U.S. torture policy, where the torturers cannot be prosecuted because they were told by their superiors that their actions were legal; their superiors cannot be prosecuted because the White House assured them the same thing; the folks in the White House cannot be prosecuted because they were relying on their legal analysts; the legal analysts cannot be prosecuted because they were just giving good faith legal advice.
So you end up with a situation in which a chain of easily-identified people doing well-documented acts and leaving smoking guns scattered like cigarette butts, engaged in a conspiracy to repeatedly violate clear national and international laws against torture, and yet nobody is actually responsible for torturing anyone.
I’ve harped on this before.
There’s another angle on this, though, too.
Just as people fail to understand that it is their small contributions to coordinated evil that allows large projects of coordinated evil to take place, it can also be hard for people to believe that their small, benevolent acts can ever add up to anything worthwhile.
I’ve lately been reading a translation of Dostoevsky’s The Idiot.
In one section of the book, a relatively minor character named Ippolit (or Hippolyte in some translations), a young man dying of tuberculosis, has penned a rambling sort of last testament that he recites to a group of people who have gathered to drink champagne in honor of the title character’s birthday.
Ippolit covers a lot of ground in the testament, which goes on for page upon page like a monologue in an Ayn Rand novel and has a strikingly “existentialist” feel to it.
Ippolit is confronting death, which he sees as an approaching brick wall, opaque and impenetrable, and finds himself increasingly unable to engage with a world that seems like it’s no longer his to live in.
Even a fly is at home in this world while it’s here, but for him the world is not his home but just the waiting room for his appointment with oblivion.
But among the things he recounts is a recent occasion on which he went out of his way to do a favor for a needy stranger for whom he had no reason to feel any obligation or duty (indeed, if anything, the stranger owed him a favor).
A very crucial courtesy from the point of view of the stranger, to be sure, but of no possible meaning to someone who is on the verge of death and who isn’t entertaining any superstitious ideas about getting rewards for his good deeds in the hereafter.
Ippolit speaks to someone about this (as he recounts during his tirade), and says:
There was an old fellow at Moscow, a “general” — that is, an actual state councilor, with a German name.
He spent his whole life visiting prisons and prisoners; every party of exiles to Siberia knew beforehand that the “old General” would visit them on the Sparrow Hills.
He carried out this good work with the greatest earnestness and devotion.
He would turn up, walk through the rows of prisoners, who surrounded him, stop before each, questioning each as to his needs, calling each of them “my dear,” and hardly ever preaching to anyone.
He used to give them money, send them the most necessary articles — leg wrappers, undergarments, linen — and sometimes took them books of devotion, which he distributed among those who could read, firmly persuaded that those who could read would read them to those who could not.
He rarely asked a prisoner about his crime; he simply listened if the criminal began speaking of it.
All the criminals were on equal footing with him; he made no distinction between them.
He talked to them as though they were brothers, and they came in the end to look on him as a father.
If he saw a woman with a baby among the prisoners, he would go up, fondle the child and snap his fingers to make it laugh.
He visited the prisoners like this for many years, up to the time of his death, so much so that he was known all over Russia and Siberia — that is, by all the criminals.
A man who had been in Siberia told me that he had seen himself how the most hardened criminals remembered the general; yet the latter could rarely give more than twenty kopecks to each prisoner on his visits.
It’s true they spoke of him without any great warmth, or even earnestness.
One of these “unhappy” creatures, a man who had murdered a dozen people and slaughtered six children solely for his own pleasure (for there are such men, I am told), would suddenly, once in twenty years, apropos of nothing, heave a sigh and say: “What about that old general; is he still alive, I wonder?”
Perhaps he smiles as he says it.
And that’s all.
But how can you tell what seed may have been dropped in his soul forever by that old general, whom he hasn’t forgotten for twenty years?
How can you tell, Bahmutov, what significance such an association of one personality with another may have on the destiny of those associated?
… You know it’s a matter of a whole lifetime, an infinite multitude of ramifications hidden from us.
The most skillful chess player, the cleverest of them, can only look a few moves ahead; a French player who could reckon out ten moves ahead was written about as a marvel.
How many moves there are in this, and how much that is unknown to us!
In scattering the seed, scattering your “charity,” your kind deeds, you are giving away, in one form or another, part of your personality, and taking into yourself part of another; you are in mutual communion with one another; a little more attention and you will be rewarded with the knowledge of the most unexpected discoveries.
You will come at last to look upon your work as a science; it will lay hold of all your life, and may fill up your whole life.
On the other hand, all your thoughts, all the seeds scattered by you, perhaps forgotten by you, will grow up and take form.
He who has received them from you will hand them on to another.
And how can you tell what part you may have in the future determination of the destinies of humanity?
If this knowledge and a whole lifetime of this work should make you at last able to sow some mighty seed, to bequeath the world some mighty thought, then…
Of course, this being part of the Depressing 19th Century Russian Literature genre, Ippolit’s goes straight from this speech to solemnly determining to kill himself.
(Though mostly, it seems, as a way of wresting one last consciously-chosen act from life before he dies, rather than just letting death take him passively.)
Anyway, last night when I read this it spoke to me as being a pretty good articulation of its perspective.
This afternoon I came to think of it again and decided it was worth posting here.
It may be that the novel itself will recapitulate (or transcend) the ideas in this excerpt on a larger scale, but I’m still only ¾ of the way through, so I don’t really know where Dostoevsky is taking me yet.
I’ve started reading The Nicomachean Ethics, which is based on lecture notes from Aristotle that were assembled by his son (then translated to English by, in this case, David Ross).
I’ve decided to do this review a little differently: I’ll share my impressions as I read along.
The book is divided into short sections of a paragraph or a few paragraphs each, advancing some particular argument or definition, so this lends itself well to stopping and taking a breath and trying to absorb from time-to-time.
Of course, this means that I’ll probably be jumping the gun and speculating about things Aristotle will deal with in due time, or that I’ll be spouting off stupidly about something confusing that will get better explained further on.
That and I’m pretty ignorant about Greek philosophy.
So be it.
Don’t say I didn’t warn you.
Life hits us all a bit by surprise, and though it gives us some leeway — some discretion and opportunity to play our hand in different ways — it doesn’t give us much of a hint on what stakes we’re playing for.
There’s no instruction manual, no “boss room” with a magnetic pull drawing you inevitably in over the course of your quest.
You have to decide for yourself what you’re going to do, or perhaps discover somehow what ends are worth aiming for.
But what if there were an instruction manual — it just hadn’t been written yet?
That’s how I imagine what’s in The Nicomachean Ethics — Aristotle’s attempt to discern and articulate the user’s guide to life.
It’s remarkable to me how many attempts to do this sort of project end up resorting to some sort of myth in order to provide a foundation for the Ultimate Ends advanced by their authors.
The myth of a final judgment, Nietzsche’s myth of eternal recurrence, the myth of reincarnation, that sort of thing — they’re all designed to provide the ultimate “why” to support the ultimate aim of man.
I went in for the existentialists for a while because they seemed to be up to the task of conceding that purpose can’t be found in made-up stories like these, but begins and ends with humble creatures like us, and that there is no higher court to appeal to, and yet, acknowledging this, they continued soldiering on to try to develop an ethics compatible with this.
I’m interested to see what Aristotle comes up with.
I recently finished Hazel Barnes’s book An Existentialist Ethics ().
Barnes wrestles with the question of whether an ethics can be derived from humanistic, atheistic existentialism or whether instead such an existentialism is ethically agnostic or nihilistic, as its critics have often claimed.
She argues that there is an existentialist ethics that can be derived from the commandment not to be “in bad faith” combined with some of the philisophical assumptions or conclusions of the existentialist worldview.
Along the way, she compares and contrasts existentialism with a variety of other attempts to cope with the modern condition or come up with new guidelines for living, such as: Ayn Rand’s objectivism, the New Left and so-called American Existentialists of the Norman Mailer school, Eastern religion and Zen in particular, and New Theologians and the later Being-centered work of Heidegger.
She also comes down to earth from time to time and tries to show how one might apply existentialist principles to particular ethical problems or conundrums, such as: how to reform the education system, what to think of the sexual revolution, whether anything matters in the face of our own deaths or of the inevitable death of our universe, and what steps society might reasonably and ethically take to ward off the problems of overpopulation.
I found the book to be thought-provoking throughout, but strongest when Barnes is explaining existentialism and how to derive ethics from it and weakest when she is working through then-hot topics or matching up existentialism against other contenders.
Part of this is just the passage of time (I don’t really care what Norman Mailer was on about, and the vital issues of the sexual revolution circa seem pretty passé today).
But part also is that Barnes knows Sartrean existentialism extremely well (and it is Sartre’s existentialism that she means, chiefly, when she writes of existentialism), as it’s the philosophy she lives by, but she only has a tourist’s familiarity with things like Zen or objectivism, so her comparisons reflect this as much as they do the inherent strengths and weaknesses of the respective worldviews.
I like existentialism.
It seems to be a strikingly sober and practical point of view, least prone to making stuff up or wishing stuff away.
That it has an ethical component doesn’t strike me as particularly controversial, but it was still nice to have someone as methodical and clever as Barnes walk through the steps.
Barnes did seem to have a disturbingly fundamentalist tendency to dismiss challenges to conscious free will.
That we have free will is one of the difficult-to-justify leaps of faith existentialism is willing to take, and I don’t have a problem with that.
But I think that there are a lot of caveats that you have to attach to the idea of free will to take it seriously today: the various subconscious choices we make and the ways such choices can be manipulated, as demonstrated again and again not just in the anecdotes in the Freudian line but in a multitude of experiments that seem to clearly demonstrate that our conscious, intended, explicit intentions do not tell the whole story of how our choices are made.
Barnes seems afraid to consider this, as though to accept it would be to unravel the whole existentialist project.
Existentialism, to her, denies “subconscious choices” and says that the only alternative to choices that are explicit, intended, and conscious are those that are done in willful ignorance, or “bad faith.”
I think she must have backed off from this a bit in later years.
In a commencement address (poignantly flavored throughout with defensiveness against the sad po-mo trends of the time), she set out free will as the first of her guiding principles, and put it this way:
“A significant degree” seems to me to be easier to defend than the absolutism in An Existentialist Ethics, and I don’t think it does any real damage to the existentialist project (the way a complete denial of free will would).
An absolutist free will already confronts all sorts of limitations, frustrations, and vicissitudes that make it madly difficult to steer a course — why not add sociobiological nudges and subconscious back-seat drivers to the mix?
You still end up having to figure out what to do with the freedom that remains.
In summary, the Trolley Problem is a thought experiment that you can use to
investigate your ethical intuitions. The experiment is in the form of a
story in which you play a part. In the story, a runaway trolley is headed
towards a number of people who are for some reason on the tracks in its path
and unable to get out of the way. You have an opportunity to stop or divert
the trolley, but only at the cost of killing someone else. What do you do?
In the classic baseline trolley problem, you can divert the trolley onto
another track, but there’s someone on that track who will be killed if you do:
In a modified version of the Trolley Problem, you do not have a switch handy,
but you and some poor schmuck are on a bridge overlooking the track, and the
schmuck is just fat enough (and you aren’t) that if you were to push him
off the bridge and into the path of the trolley this would stop the trolley
before it hit the people further down the track… at the cost of killing the
chubby schmuck:
The modified Trolley Problem
People tend to carry around with them a kind of unstable emulsion of
utilitarianism and deontological ethics, and this problem has a way of
throwing such people into a place where these two approaches have a tug of
war: it is better for one to die than for five to die (utilitarian), but on
the other hand people die in accidents all the time but it is positively
bad for me to actively kill someone (deontological).
People who confidently answer “yes, I’d pull the switch” when presented with
the first version, thinking that there’s nothing to it but a cold utilitarian
calculation, will often balk at the second version of the problem, which from
a utilitarian point of view seems identical.
Anyway, that’s the background. Now I’ll try to look at the problem through
existentialist eyes.
An existentialist approach to a problem like this is not necessarily one that
concludes in The Right Decision (do/don’t throw the switch / push chubby); it
is more designed to keep you from going off the track and in making
sure that you avoid the temptations to hide from your responsibility for
making a decision.
In this point of view, the essence of Trolley Problem is that it puts you in
a situation that will inevitably result in a bad outcome, but one you have
the power to modify. You are entangled in this against your will and your
inclinations, but once entangled there’s no getting out of it. You cannot
decide not to be involved. There is soon going to be a bad outcome and you
are going to be responsible (if not wholly responsible) for it. You have to
own up to this and make a decision and accept the responsibility for the
outcome.
Ze Trollee Problem, she ees a metaphor for life.
There are a bunch of ways to try to deny either the need to make a decision
or the responsibility for the consequences, and the existentialist says that
none of these are valid.
For example, you can try to draw a distinction between deciding to act (pull
the switch, push chubby) and deciding not to act (stand there and do nothing)
and claim that responsibility only attaches to the first sort of decisions and
not to the second. How can I be responsible? I did nothing! The
responsibility lies completely with the trolley company or the Hand of Fate.
The existentialist says: bollocks.
(As an analogy: A friend of mine will soon be undergoing a severe round of
chemotherapy to combat a dangerous cancer. He’s in for a very unpleasant time
no matter what he does. When he is experiencing the worst of the
chemotherapy, it will probably occur to him to think incredulously: “I
chose to do this?” But he would be just as responsible for the
results of choosing not to undergo chemotherapy even though he is in
no way responsible for developing cancer in the first place. He would be
making a bad decision if he were to decide based on whether the results of his
decision might appear in this way to be more actively self-inflicted.)
Another evasion is to try to use some sort of rhetorical scalpel to remove the
consequences of your decision from the decision itself. For example: when I
pulled the switch, my intent was to divert the trolley from killing
the five people further down the track, and the fact that the trolley then
killed the one person on the other track was an unintended
consequence of that act. So I’m only really responsible for the intended
results of my action. More bollocks says the man in the beret.
It’s just as bad to try to foist the blame off on a philosophy — to say: it
was not me who decided to pull the switch but utilitarian calculation; or to
say: it was not me who decided not to push chubby but the Categorical
Imperative. Similarly, appeals to The Law or God’s Will are out. Any claim
that you have found the right moral answer inscribed on the fabric of the
universe so that all you had to do was to read it off and obey its commands is
an attempt to evade the responsibility for making the decision yourself and
living with the results.
(This can be a problem with doctrinaire pacifism or ahimsa.
It says that the right thing to do is always to do no violence or to do no
harm, but life does not guarantee to always present you with choices where all
of your alternatives are harmless or nonviolent. You may indeed have to choose
between harms or between violences, and a doctrinaire pacifism or
ahimsa is an invitation to come up with ways to wish away
such choices in bad faith.)
Uncertainty can also be an evasion. You can try to come up with so many “what
if”s that you feel justified in throwing up your hands and saying “there’s
just no telling what the right decision is.” In real life, there’s no end to
the uncertainty and the “what if”s, and they legitimately make decision making
difficult and the results of our decisions hard to predict. But we have to be
on guard against hunting for uncertainty as a way of trying to come
up with an excuse for evading responsibility.
The way this shows up in the Trolley Problem is in people’s temptation to
complicate it:
How do we really know the fat man is fat enough to stop the train?
What if the guy on the alternate track is a brilliant brain surgeon and
the five people on the other track are a pack of scoundrels?
What if I’m reading the switch incorrectly and it does the opposite from
what I mean to do? I’m no expert on trainyard switchery!
How do I know there aren’t ten more people further down the
alternate track?
What if the fat guy stops the train but there are people on the train who
die in the collision?
How do I know the five people on the tracks aren’t there because they
want to die?
The hope is that if we can complicate the problem enough, then there will
clearly be no right answer and so we won’t have to make any decision at all:
we can look at the consequences of our indecision and say, “but for all we
know, the alternative might have been even worse, so what can you do?”
(This one, to me, is the toughest nut to crack. If, in the face of
uncertainty, you do some overt act that you reason has the best chance of
having good results or averting bad ones and it ends up making things worse,
you look like a fool or a jerk. Whereas if you fail to do some such overt act
that may have made things better or less bad, and things just turn
out to be worse as a result, the blame rarely falls on you. I think
you’d have to be a very good existentialist indeed not to judge yourself in
the same way.)
The problem with bad faith ethical reasoning is partially that it’s being
dishonest with yourself and is a way of disengaging from life and from reality
that is itself sad. But another problem is that it can distort your
decision-making. If you think you can evade responsibility for choosing or for
the results of your choice by making the choice conform in its structure to
some bad-faith excuse (for instance, choosing inaction rather than action;
choosing to obey the law because it is the law or to follow orders because
they are orders; choosing what The Bible says; conforming to the will of the
majority), you will be biased toward decisions that conform to such a
structure rather than to good decisions (though sometimes they may coincide).
I recently finished a selection of Lyrical and Critical Essays by Albert Camus.
The lyrical essays were way too
lyrical for my tastes, and the critical ones were kind of a grab bag, much of
which didn’t much grab my attention. But I did pick out a quote or two
that I thought were worth holding on to.
For the Greeks, values existed a priori and marked out the exact limits of
every action. Modern philosophy places its values at the completion of
action. They are not, but they become, and we shall know them completely only
at the end of history. When they disappear, limits vanish as well, and since
ideas differ as to what these values will be, since there is no struggle
which, unhindered by these same values, does not extend indefinitely, we are
now witnessing the Messianic forces confronting one another, their clamors
merging in the shock of empires. Excess is a fire, according to Heraclitus.
The fire is gaining ground; Nietzsche has been overtaken. It is no longer
with hammer blows but with cannon shots that Europe philosophizes.
And here’s Camus on the joys of voluntary simplicity:
From time to time I meet people who live among riches I cannot even imagine.
I still have to make an effort to realize that others can feel envious of
such wealth. A long time ago, I once lived a whole week luxuriating in all
the goods of this world: we slept without a roof, on a beach, I lived on
fruit, and spent half my days alone in the water. I learned something then
that has always made me react to the signs of comfort or of a well-appointed
house with irony, impatience, and sometimes anger. Although I live without
worrying about tomorrow now, and therefore count myself among the privileged,
I don’t know how to own things. What I do have, which always comes to me
without my asking for it, I can’t seem to keep. Less from extravagance, I
think, than from another kind of parsimony: I cling like a miser to the
freedom that disappears as soon as there is an excess of things.
And here’s a moment of Zen:
The most loathsome materialism is not the kind people usually think of, but
the sort that attempts to let dead ideas pass for living realities, diverting
into sterile myths the stubborn and lucid attention we give to what we have
within us that must forever die.
I’ve lately been reading Simone de Beauvoir’s novel The Blood of Others.
In general I seem to be able to get a better feel for French existentialists from their fiction than from their essays and lectures — at least where Camus and Sartre are concerned.
De Beauvoir is considerably less coy here than they were, in their novels, about making her fiction primarily a way of illustrating existentialist philosophy.
For example, this scene, in which Hélène ponders with her lover the question “why do we live?”:
“When I was small, I believed in God, and it was wonderful; at every moment of the day something was required of me; then it seemed to me that I must exist.
It was an absolute necessity.”
I smiled sympathetically at her.
“I think that where you go wrong is that you imagine that your reasons for living ought to fall on you ready-made from heaven, whereas we have to find them for ourselves.”
“But when we know that we’ve found them ourselves, we can’t believe in them.
It’s only a way of deceiving ourselves.”
“Why?
You don’t find them just like that — out of thin air.
We discover them through the strength of a love or a desire, and then what we have found rises before us, solid and real.”
or this argument:
“People are free,” I said, “but only so far as they themselves are concerned; we can neither touch, foresee, nor insist on them using their liberty.
That is what I find so painful; the intrinsic worth of an individual exists only for him, not for me; I can only get as far as his outward actions, and to him I am nothing more than an outer appearance, an absurd set of premises; premises that I do not even choose to be…”
“Then don’t get excited,” said Marcel; “if you don’t even make the choice, why punish yourself?”
“I don’t choose to exist, but I am.
An absurdity that is responsible for itself, that’s exactly what I am.”
“Well, there must be something.”
“But there might be something else…”
or this steamy existentialist love scene:
“I need you because I love you,” I said.
You were in my arms, and my heart was heavy on account of those cowardly festive echoes and because I was lying to you.
Crushed by all those things which existed in spite of me and from which I was separated only by my own anguish.
There is nothing left.
Nobody on that bed; before me lies a gaping void.
And the anguish comes into its own, alone in the void, beyond the vanished things.
I am alone.
I am that anguish which exists alone, in spite of me; I am merged with that blind existence.
In spite of me and yet issuing only from myself.
Refuse to exist; I exist.
Decide to exist; I exist.
Refuse. Decide. I exist.
There will be a dawn.
So, yeah… it gets a little heavy-handed at times.
But sometimes a lay-it-on-thick melodrama is the best way of getting a philosophy across.
Coincidentally, de Beauvoir also features in a recent op-ed by Ross Kenyon from the Center for a Stateless Society.
Kenyon is responding to Ron Paul’s recent appearance on The Daily Show in which Paul tried to sell his idiosyncratic libertarian-leaning Republican presidential candidacy to Jon Stewart’s largely liberal fan base.
If you believe that the global environment is in dire straits of a sort that are going to require drastic, compulsory, large-scale changes, you may ask incredulously how a small-government, regulation-loathing libertarian thinks they can handle it.
Isn’t a libertarian paradise just one in which people are free to dump their sewage in the well (or, in Stewart’s question: dioxin in the river)?
Paul’s answer: “I think the environment would be better protected by strict property rights.
I was raised in a city, in Pittsburgh, where the sewers were the rivers and the corporations did it in collusion with the government…
All you have to say is you have no right to pollute your neighbor’s property, water, air, or anything and you wouldn’t have the politicians writing the laws and exempting certain companies.
They come, they write the laws, then they exempt themselves and then they trade permits to pollute the air.”
This isn’t really a small-government solution at all, but one that takes environmental regulation out of the hands of bureaucratic regulators (who are easily captured by the industries they regulate) and puts it in the hands of judges who decide lawsuits based on actual damages and the laws in force.
This might in fact be a better way of regulating something like dioxin in the river, but I have a hard time seeing it working for regulating auto emissions or fighting global climate change.
There are lots of problems with bureaucratic regulators, but there are also lots of problems with judges and tort law.
Simply kicking the ball from one to the other doesn’t solve anything.
Paul’s call to simplify the law to a “thou shalt not pollute thy neighbor’s property” is better, but unrealistic and oversimplified.
What counts as pollution, who counts as “thou,” and what counts as property are all political questions that are subject to the same political warping that plagues current regulations.
Ron Paul claimed on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart on that market discipline is stricter than government discipline.
This claim depends upon a number of institutions being set up wherein the true costs of production and consumption are actually being internalized by those doing the producing and consuming rather than being spread between hapless taxpayers as they currently are.
Now, Ron Paul definitely thinks these institutions should replace our current framework as one can see if one watches the extended interview.
In it he elaborates upon his position regarding how he believes stronger property rights and a free market would serve environmental ends.
The merit of this ecological argument will not be examined in this op-ed; however, this abstraction of the market needs to stop immediately.
We are “the market.”
We are all “market forces.”
We are the ones Ron Paul is proposing to have more power to discipline wrongdoers via torts, direct action, voting with our dollar, and protest.
Libertarians do not believe in delegating this authority away from ourselves as that act of concession will lead to regulatory capture and the centralization of power and economy.
The market is absolutely not an external process we can afford to just sit back and watch transpire before us.
The “market” itself is conventionally viewed as a concept which symbolizes the aggregation of all acts of production and consumption committed under the institutions of private property and its subsequent division of labor and the price mechanism.
When this process is unhindered by unwise barriers (government-enforced or market actor-endorsed) it generally allows for people to clear goods very successfully and to great material gain for all participants.
However, the acts of producing and consuming in and of themselves have no moral content.
All a free market means is that what is effectively demanded will be efficiently supplied, and if we demand garbage then we will have garbage.
This freedom to choose connotes the responsibility to choose well or the world in which we might live may not be very much better than the one we have now.
Simone de Beauvoir writes astutely in The Ethics of Ambiguity, “…the present is not a potential past; it is the moment of choice and action; we can not avoid living it through a project; and there is no project which is purely contemplative since one always projects himself toward something, toward the future; to put oneself ‘outside’ is still a way of living the inescapable fact that one is inside; those French intellectuals who, in the name of history, poetry, or art, sought to rise above the drama of the [age of World War Ⅱ], were willy-nilly its actors; more of less explicitly, they were playing the occupier’s game.
Likewise, the Italian aesthete, occupied in caressing the marbles and bronzes of Florence, is playing a political role in the life of his country by his very inertia.
One can not justify all that is by asserting that everything may equally be the object of contemplation, since man never contemplates: he does.”
This freedom to choose is seen by most people with the same immobilizing terror which the existentialists rhapsodized upon.
If we want our freedom to choose poorly, we must be wise enough to choose well.
Faced with the responsibility to pay attention to the world around us and actually decide for ourselves what to support with our money and moral approval; with what to cherish and what to rally against for the sake of one’s principles, it is no real surprise that people generally favor delegating their role as a punishing or rewarding market force to someone with political power.
“I have to think?! Get this terrible burden of responsibility away from me!”
Freedom is work, and there is no abstracting one’s self out of the market as if it were some independent process outside of ourselves that “will take care of everything.”
The market is us.
Push us toward a better world by demanding wisely if you can bear it, as anyone who would dare call themselves an adult should be prepared to do.
Otherwise, we truly are not ready for the freedom Ron Paul and our American platitudes have prepared us for.
Kenyon made a similar point in a recent rejoinder to a common libertarian argument about sweatshop labor.
In the argument he is responding to, sweatshop (and other degrading or dangerous) labor, while it may look unsavory, is perhaps the best option for those involved in it — that is to say that the available alternatives are even worse.
If we were to boycott sweatshop-produced products or insist on only purchasing “fair trade” products, the unintended results of this would be to push the sweatshop laborers or “unfair trade” workers back on their next-best opportunities — that is, on options that are even more degrading, dangerous, or unremunerative.
The usual left-libertarian argument against this is that the fact that these awful alternatives are the only ones available to the workers is not a natural fact of the free market in operation, but is the result of a long history of abusive collusion between business and government to restrict the rights of workers and the availability of resources.
That argument has the advantage of being correct, informative, and revealing, but has the disadvantage of skirting the issue of what the ethical thing is to do in the here-and-now with regard to sweatshop (etc.) produced goods.
Boycotting them may very well screw the workers who are making them without necessarily doing anything to alleviate the conditions that make sweatshop labor relatively appealing to them.
Sweatshop advocates, in contrast, can point to examples in which countries seem to have passed through a phase of sweatshop-dominated industry on their way to something better.
Maybe, they suggest, supporting sweatshops is counterintuitively the best way of making them obsolete.
Kenyon responds:
If the market is to be free so that what is demanded is supplied, then we should accept the responsibility to demand in the marketplace production models which foster a fuller and more complete conception of human dignity than work in a sweatshop typically allows.
…I have come to believe that libertarianism is primarily cultural.
If we want to be free from government regulation of our values and the perilous centralization of power which typically ensues then the responsibility will fall directly upon us to choose wisely and regulate the market ourselves via voting with one’s dollar, torts, direct action, and protest or the world which we will create under freedom may not be very much better than what we have now.
We cannot abstract ourselves out of the market by saying things like, “we’ll just let the market take care of it,” because we are the market.
If we don’t take our charge seriously of what to condemn and support financially and morally, then why are we even bothering with this freedom thing?
If I wanted to just sit back and delegate all of my responsibility regarding what should be happening in the world to external forces then my selection of libertarianism as a philosophy would be a terrible mistake.
…[I]f there is no government but only the market, and we actually are the market, then it is up to us to create a better and more virtuous world.
No one else is going to do it for us.
We don’t always have to just buy the cheapest goods.
In fact, I think we as libertarians ought to make a commitment to being very conscious regarding what we consume, effectively shifting the demand curve toward more human dignity, which is constantly undervalued by virtually everyone.
The signals that one sends in the marketplace clearly communicate what sort of world one wishes to live in and what one actually values.
If one wants the freedom to choose poorly, one should take seriously the responsibility of choosing wisely.
Otherwise, we aren’t ready for liberty, and it probably wouldn’t be worth the struggle anyways.
The other night I was in the kitchen, alone in the house, when a large rat tripped the trap in the laundry room.
The trap seized around the rat’s neck without snapping it, and the rat thrashed around in agonized panic.
My first thought, once I realized what all the racket was about, was to hope that if I just waited it out, the trap would quickly kill the rat.
After some more horrible sounds came from the laundry room, I began to feel sorry for the rat and contemplated rescuing it and releasing it outside (though while still really hoping it would just die).
I considered also just retreating back upstairs and hoping the problem would resolve itself in my absence; maybe one of my housemates would come home to the scene and think it was their problem.
Instead I went back to the laundry room to investigate.
The rat by then was dead — or dead-ish anyway; it was hard to be certain.
I picked up the trap, opened the back door, and by swinging the trap while releasing the spring, jettisoned the rat body to drop with a thud on the porch.
It did not move, but I still didn’t trust that it was dead, and didn’t want to pick it up in case it would choose that moment to spring back to life.
“I’ll just leave it there for now, and if it’s still dead in the morning I’ll deal with it then,” I thought, though in the back of my mind I think I was still hopefully imagining one of my housemates coming home, stumbling upon the corpse, and dealing with it, or maybe a larger predator coming along and dragging the body away.
An hour or two later I finally faced up to the rat being my responsibility to deal with and went downstairs to collect the body, but by then it was gone.
I think it hadn’t been so dead as it had looked after all.
Other examples of bad faith reasoning include going upstairs and hoping the problem goes away, hoping your housemates take the responsibility off your hands, or approvingly watching one of them set rat traps around the house while at the same time being willing to pretend to yourself that you’re concerned about the pain and suffering of a trapped rat.
Which I guess goes to show that fully-engaged, conscious living is hard, and that habits of bad faith thinking are hard to break, even if you set your mind to it.
If I flailed and dithered so much in dealing with a rat in a trap, when all that was really at stake was my squeamishness, how might I expect myself to behave when the stakes are higher and the temptations more intense?
Later that night I shamefacedly admitted to my housemates how I’d handled the situation.
That, I hoped, would be the sort of negative feedback that might help train my will better.
Next time maybe I can slice through the temptations and distractions and just straightforwardly do what needs doing.
Yesterday I finished Existentialism and Human Emotions, largely composed of selections from Jean-Paul Sartre’s Being and Nothingness.
The first half of it, before he went mano a mano with Freud and got a little woo-woo, was about as clear an explanation of existentialism as I’ve read from one of that philosophy’s big names.
Aristotle thought that our choices in life were best guided by virtues with which we can best thrive with respect to our telos — our intended destiny as rational, social animals.
Alasdair MacIntyre said that Aristotle basically had this right, except that the telos doesn’t come from human nature but from the roles we inhabit, as carried in culture-specific stories, and that in order to recover ethics and purpose from their current philosophical quagmires we will need to reconstruct healthy societies that nurture such roles and stories.
Sartre is having none of it.
There is no human nature, no telos drawing us forward, no external standard to judge ourselves against, no script to follow or role to inhabit.
There is not even a core being or personality at the heart of our existence — there is only the choices we are constantly making: these define not only us but the world we inhabit.
Our being or our story is only something we can describe in retrospect: looking forward there is nothing but absolute freedom, with our destiny undetermined by our nature, personality, orientation, story-line, or anything else.
Existence is a perpetual vertigo of choice and responsibility without appeal or pause.
For obvious historical reasons, French existentialism often explains itself by or wrestles with examples of war and collaboration.
Here are some excerpts from Existentialism and Human Emotions on that theme:
[M]an being condemned to be free carries the weight of the whole world on his shoulders; he is responsible for the world and for himself as a way of being.
We are taking the word “responsibility” in its ordinary sense as “consciousness (of) being the incontestable author of an event or of an object.”
[T]his absolute responsibility is not resignation; it is simply the logical requirement of the consequences of our freedom.
What happens to me happens through me, and I can neither affect myself with it nor revolt against it nor resign myself to it.… The most terrible situations of war, the worst tortures do not create a non-human state of things; there is no non-human situation.
It is only through fear, flight, and recourse to magical types of conduct that I shall decide on the non-human, but this decision is human, and I shall carry the entire responsibility for it.
Thus there are no accidents in life; a community event which suddenly bursts forth and involves me in it does not come from the outside.
If I am mobilized in a war, this war is my war; it is in my image and I deserve it.
I deserve it first because I could always get out of it by suicide or by desertion; these ultimate possibles are those which must always be present for us when there is a question of envisaging a situation.
For lack of getting out of it, I have chosen it.
This can be due to inertia, to cowardice in the face of public opinion, or because I prefer certain other values to the value of the refusal to join in the war (the good opinion of my relatives, the honor of my family, etc.).
Anyway you look at it, it is a matter of a choice.
This choice will be repeated later on again and again without a break until the end of the war.
Therefore we must agree with the statement by J[ules] Romains, “In war there are no innocent victims.” [Les hommes de bonne volonté; “Prélude à Verdun.”] If therefore I have preferred war to death or to dishonor, everything takes place as if I bore the entire responsibility for this war.
Of course others have declared it, and one might be tempted perhaps to consider me as a simple accomplice.
But this notion of complicity has only a juridical sense, and it does not hold here.
For it depended on me that for me and by me this war should not exist, and I have decided that it does exist.
There was no compulsion here, for the compulsion could have got no hold on a freedom.
I did not have any excuse; for as we have said repeatedly in this book, the peculiar character of human-reality is that it is without excuse.
Therefore it remains for me only to lay claim to this war.
But in addition the war is mine because by the sole fact that it arises in a situation which I cause to be and that I can discover it there only by engaging myself for or against it, I can no longer distinguish at present the choice which I make of myself from the choice which I make of the war.
To live this war is to choose myself through it and to choose it through my choice of myself.
There can be no question of considering it as “four years of vacation” or as a “reprieve,” as a “recess,” the essential part of my responsibilities being elsewhere in my married, family, or professional life.
In this war which I have chosen I choose myself from day to day, and I make it mine by making myself.
If it is going to be four empty years, then it is I who bear the responsibility for this.
It is… a waste of time to ask what I should have been if this war had not broken out, for I have chosen myself as one of the possible meanings of the epoch which imperceptibly led to war.
I am not distinct from this same epoch; I could not be transported to another epoch without contradiction.
Thus I am this war which restricts and limits and makes comprehensible the period which preceded it.
In this sense we may define more precisely the responsibility of the for-itself if to the earlier quoted statement, “There are no innocent victims,” we add the words, “We have the war we deserve.”
This is from the Hazel Barnes translation; the original was written around , I think.
So I harshed on Edward Tverdek for his justification of statist liberalism by prioritizing the needs of social groups over those of the people who compose them.
But coming up with good, solid philosophical justifications for your instinctive political hunches is notoriously difficult.
The other day I stumbled on Will Wilkinson’s “Eudaimonism is False,” which he wrote in response to a couple of libertarian sorts who were trying to figure out what the best philosophical grounding for their political instincts might be:
Kevin Vallier argues, correctly in my view, that “Utilitarianism is too consequence-sensitive and self-ownership is too consequence-insensitive.”
Contractualism, he suggests, offers a third way that gets it just right in the consequence-sensitivity department.
Roderick Long replies by offering an alternative third way: an interesting version of eudaimonism that includes a not-overly consequence-insensitive version of the self-ownership thesis.
Vallier responds by embracing eudaimonism himself, while countering that “the content of the virtue of justice is best specified by a contractualist principle rather than the self-ownership principle.”
Roderick Long makes the case that the various virtues that Aristotle mostly treated independently from each other are actually mutually dependent, and to some extent justify each other:
For example (to simplify somewhat), if courage is the virtue of responding appropriately to danger, and generosity is the virtue of responding appropriately to others’ needs, then when meeting other people’s needs is dangerous, there is no way to define what course of action generosity requires independently of defining what course of action courage requires, and vice versa.
The final contents of the virtues are thus constructed out of their prima facie contents, subject to the constraint of mutual determination.
(Interestingly, Alisdair MacIntyre, in After Virtue, considered this “unity of virtue” idea to be a major symptom of the decadence of modern ethics relative to Aristotle’s.)
In Long’s framework, the virtues sort of pull each other up by each others’ bootstraps into a mutually-justificatory foundation that leans both on consequentialism and deontology in a satisfying way.
Interesting.
Wilkinson, though, goes for the jugular by noting that an important foundation for Aristotle’s remarkable and interesting ethics is a theory of human nature that nobody takes seriously anymore.
Aristotle believed that everything had a purpose, and that you could discern its purpose by figuring out what it was uniquely designed to do, and that something was “good” to the extent that it fulfilled this purpose well.
He then determined that human beings were uniquely designed for intellectual contemplation, and so we were most flourishing — most eudaimon — when we were philosophizing well.
But now we understand more about the origin of species than Aristotle did, and we know that individual species are not uniquely designed to do anything, but are all designed to compete well in the contest of natural selection, and can only be said to be uniquely designed to fit some environmental niche or other.
But while Aristotle’s idea of man’s purpose was suspiciously like Aristotle’s idea of a good time; Darwin’s insight into man’s purpose is disappointingly banal and doesn’t seem very helpful as a guide.
As Wilkinson puts it: “Making copies of your genome is, in an important sense, what you are for.
But it has next to nothing to do what what you ought to try to do with yourself.”
He concludes, then, that contra Aristotle, “there is no non-stupid natural fact of the matter about what it would mean for you to realize or fulfill your potential, or to function most excellently as the kind of thing you are.”
This is what attracts me to the existentialists, I think.
They came to the same conclusion that you cannot discover the meaning of life in human nature, and most of them also believed the supernatural was no help either.
The ethical programs they wrestled with hinted at a number of other approaches, but focused on the reminder that we (must) create our own values in order to decide how to live.
I’ve been re-reading The Plague, giving it a closer read this time as I’m going to be facilitating a small discussion group on the book early next month.
Today I’ll write up some of what I noticed this time around.
The Plague was published in , but Camus had been working on it throughout the period of the Nazi occupation of Paris, during which he was also for a time the editor of the underground resistance newspaper Combat.
The Plague as Allegory?
The story — about a horrifying plague that traps and butchers the people of a town — suggests a parable about the Nazi scourging of Europe.
And it sometimes seems as though that’s more or less what it is.
I wouldn’t be surprised to learn that’s what Camus had in mind when he began the project: an allegory in the Animal Farm vein (in fact, it would be no waste of time to try unraveling the various animal references in The Plague).
But he ended up writing a book that’s more interesting and more difficult.
The plague is a symbol of the fascist catastrophe, and it is also a symbol for something lurking in people that the fascist catastrophe is just one particular eruption of.
But the plague is also sometimes simply one particular plague.
Sometimes it is also a symbol of, and an example of, the fatal destiny we each share as mortals: the plague is mortality itself.
And sometimes I think it is a symbol of the post-God Is Dead, cold, mechanistic universe, the end of traditional ideas of free will and meaning, and the threat of isolation and nihilism that results from this.
I could not manage to stick with one of these interpretations from start to finish.
I had hop from wire to wire as I read.
So I don’t think it’s best to read the book as a parable about any of those things in particular.
The book is called The Plague, but it’s really about the people who confront the plague in various ways.
Before the plague, the townspeople live in a “feverish yet casual” way: bored, habitual, commercial, “without intimations” of anything more meaningful.
During the plague, people have to more consciously decide how they are going to live and what they are going to value.
Depending on which aspects of these responses Camus wants to highlight from case to case, he makes one or more of the symbolic facets of the plague more prominent.
There are four cases in particular that are most-developed and most-interesting: those of Bernard Rieux, Jean Tarrou, Raymond Rambert, and Father Paneloux.
Father Paneloux
Paneloux is a Jesuit — an intellectual, but also a true believer.
When the plague begins to strike, he reads it as a warning from God, and sees his task as articulating this warning to the town.
He delivers a sermon in which he says God is using the plague as He has used similar calamities in the past — to humble a proud and negligent people into fearing God and renewing their piety.
The plague here represents the problem of evil and Paneloux addresses it in an orthodox way: though the plague seems like an evil thing, it is actually a scourge of wickedness and a goad of faithfulness that will leave things better than they were — in other words, the plague is not evil at all, but actually part of a wholly good divine plan.
Tarrou and Dr. Rieux, both unbelievers, are dismissive of the speech.
Tarrou thinks Paneloux is just repeating cant, and if the plague builds to a real disaster, Paneloux will be silenced by the awful reality of it.
Rieux says “Christians sometimes say that sort of thing without really thinking it.
They’re better than they seem.”
He too thinks that should Paneloux turn his face away from doctrine and toward the visceral suffering of plague victims, he would change his tune.
This is indeed what happens, but the tune change is remarkable and unexpected.
Paneloux has thrown himself into work with plague sufferers (of this, Rieux remarks: “I’m glad to know he’s better than his sermon”).
In one example, which Camus describes particularly thoroughly, the doctors are testing a new serum on a young boy.
The treatment seems somewhat promising, but Paneloux, who has been observing the child’s death agonies, says of this: “So if he is to die, he will have suffered longer.”
He begs God to spare the child, to no avail.
After the boy dies, Dr. Rieux uncharacteristically blows his cool and confronts Paneloux about how his sermon put the blame for the plague on the townspeople: “That child, anyhow, was innocent.”
Paneloux is clearly troubled with the same thought, but in trying to find a way out that preserves his faith, he utters this odd idea: “perhaps we should love what we cannot understand.”
(Rieux answers: “I shall refuse to love a scheme of things in which children are put to torture.”)
But Paneloux decides to see how far out on that limb he’s able to go.
If the plague cannot be understood to be a good thing as he originally thought, seeing as how it causes such horrible and pointless suffering in the innocent, then the argument in his original sermon is flawed.
He composes a second sermon to try to rescue the first one.
In his second sermon, he puts the argument this way: If the universe were comprehensible and just, faith would be easy and of no merit.
Because the universe defies comprehension and seems wholly unjust, faith requires you to abandon your aspirations to understand and to judge.
Faith requires everything of you: “All or Nothing,” Paneloux says.
You have to decide to love God with no hope of understanding Him and with no pretensions to judge aspects of His creation as good or bad.
If God wills that an innocent child is to suffer, a Christian must do more than accept it, but must love it and even will it.
This reminds me of Nietzsche’s “amor fati”, and also of Kierkegaard’s infatuation with the story of Abraham and Isaac.
Abraham’s unflinching willingness to sacrifice his son at God’s command was evidence to Kierkegaard that faith requires a “suspension of the ethical” and an answer that is “absolutely either yes or no.”
But Paneloux is serious about this: he encourages his listeners to go all the way out on that limb with him, and, privately, he is trying to work out the ramifications.
He’s working on an essay titled “Is a Priest Justified in Consulting a Doctor?” and he evidently concludes that the answer is “no.”
If God has willed that a Christian be sick, that Christian should adore being sick.
Paneloux soon has an opportunity to put this to the test.
He comes down with a newly-developing variant of the plague, refuses medical help or even the comfort of friends, and dies gripping and gazing at a cross.
Raymond Rambert
Rambert first confronts the plague with denial & bargaining.
He’s a journalist who happened to be in town on assignment when the plague hit and the town was sealed.
His response: “I don’t belong here.”
I’m not from this town, its plague is not my plague.
He devotes himself to schemes to escape: first exhausting the unhelpful official bureaucracy and then turning to smugglers.
He begins to develop a guilty conscience as he notices Rieux, Tarrou, Paneloux, and others putting their shoulders to the wheel while he plots to get away.
He defends himself by explaining that it isn’t cowardice that’s making him want to flee (he says at one point in his defense that he fought against the fascists in the Spanish Civil War), but his devotion to his wife.
He has decided that only deeds that are motivated by profound emotion are worthwhile.
So he is willing to risk everything to be with his wife again, and is left “cold” by the methodical battle against the plague — a calamity that Rambert characterizes as “the same thing over and over again.”
The others don’t press the point.
Rieux, in particular, goes out of his way to say that he does not judge Rambert for his choice: “Rambert had elected for happiness, and he, Rieux, had no argument to put up against him.
Personally he felt incapable of deciding which was the right course and which the wrong in such a case as Rambert’s.”
But in fact, Rieux is in such a case, and he did decide on a course.
Rieux’s wife was out of town when the plague hit, and they have been separated throughout — and nearly unable to communicate because mail between the town and the outside world has mostly stopped.
Furthermore, his wife was in poor health when she left to visit a sanitarium.
He later says: “For nothing in the world is it worth turning one’s back on what one loves.
Yet that is what I’m doing, though why I do not know.”
When Rambert eventually learns that Rieux shares his plight, this increases his feelings of guilt.
The night before Rambert is to leave on his long-plotted escape he stays at the home of two accomplices and is left with their mother.
Rambert explains to her that he’s leaving in spite of the risk to himself (and possibly to his wife, if he carries the plague with him), because “if he stayed in the town, there was a fair chance of their never seeing each other again.”
The old woman smiled.
“Is she nice?”
“Very nice.”
“Pretty?”
“I think so.”
“Ah,” she nodded, “that explains it.”
Rambert reflected.
No doubt that explained it, but it was impossible that that alone explained it.
The old woman went to Mass every morning.
“Don’t you believe in God?”
she asked him.
On Rambert’s admitting he did not, she said again that “that explained it.”
“Yes,” she added, “you’re right.
You must go back to her.
Or else — what would be left you?”
Rambert decides at the last minute to stay and help fight the plague after all.
At first, he explains this using the same devotional worldview he had before: “if he went away, he would feel ashamed of himself, and that would embarrass his relations with the woman he loved.”
But Rieux insists that there’s “nothing shameful in preferring happiness” (Rieux has been privately rooting for Rambert’s escape, perhaps as an embodiment of his own path-not-taken).
Rambert replies that “it may be shameful to be happy by oneself”:
Until now I always felt a stranger in this town, and that I’d no concern with you people.
But now that I’ve seen what I have seen, I know that I belong here whether I want it or not.
This business is everybody’s business.
I saw Rambert as something like a secular equivalent of Paneloux.
Instead of devoting himself to God above all else (including above ethics), he devotes himself to his wife — or perhaps to his devotion to his wife (he notes at one point that he’s become so wrapped up in the quest to get back to her that he’s almost stopped thinking of her).
“The old woman” points this out to him: Rambert must go back to his wife because, since he has no god, she’s the only thing that makes anything matter: without her, he’d be adrift, without purpose and a stranger to everyone.
But while Paneloux decided to push on, make his devotion ever more encompassing, and renounce the world, Rambert turns back, decides to take responsibility for the world, and situates his devotion in a worldview that also allows for ethics and camaraderie.
Jean Tarrou
So if Paneloux suspended the ethical in the name of faith, and if Rambert reintegrated the ethical that he’d set aside for chivalric devotion, what happens to the person who puts ethics first from the get-go?
You might think: ah-hah! this must be the hero of the story.
But Jean Tarrou is a hero with strange quirks and blemishes, and this suggests that Camus was not satisfied with such an ethical response either.
We first encounter Tarrou as an aloof, independent eccentric from out of town.
He loves the banality of pre-plague Oran, and how its people are preoccupied with down-to-earth things like business.
“The only thing I’m interested in,” he says, “is acquiring peace of mind,” and Oran seems like the place to be for that, at least at first.
He closely observes the townspeople and takes special interest in one who has a habit of going out to his balcony and trying to spit on the cats who gather in the shade underneath.
When the plague first starts to spread, he’s blasé about it, but when someone suggests that this means he’s a “fatalist,” he denies it.
(Paneloux had also denied being a fatalist, but corrected this less definitively and more paradoxically, saying that he was instead an “active fatalist.”)
Tarrou meets one of Dr. Rieux’s patients, a man with asthma who spends his days in bed (from choice, not from illness or handicap) marking time by moving dry peas one by one from one pan to another.
Tarrou asks himself the bizarre question: “Is he [the patient] a saint?” and answers: “Yes, if saintliness is an aggregate of habits.”
Dr. Rieux tends to mention habits with some contempt.
He describes the townspeople as people who from boredom devote themselves “to cultivating habits” — with simple pleasures on the weekends and business during the week.
“In the evening, on leaving the office, they forgather, at an hour that never varies, in the cafés, stroll the same boulevard, or take the air on their balconies.”
But to Tarrou, habit is a delightful thing to find: he likes the habit of the man who spits on cats, and he finds the pointless repetitive task of the old asthmatic saintly.
When he reflects on Paneloux’s first sermon, he says that such thought is to be expected at the beginning or end of a calamity because “habits have not yet been lost [or] are returning” — in other words, habit is associated with periods of safety and peace.
And yet he’s also troubled by the idea that habit is deadening and breaking a habit can be enlivening.
When the plague comes on, he observes “the frantic desire for life that thrives in the heart of every great calamity,” and anticipates that “If the epidemic spreads… we may see again the saturnalia.”
Here is an excerpt from his journals:
Query:
How contrive not to waste one’s time?
Answer:
By being fully aware of it all the while.
Ways in which this can be done:
By spending one’s days on an
uneasy chair in a dentist’s waiting-room; by remaining on one’s balcony all of a Sunday afternoon; by listening to lectures in a language one doesn’t know; by traveling by the longest and least-convenient train routes, and of course standing all the way; by lining up at the box-office of theaters and then not buying a seat; and so forth.
That reminded me of an earlier incarnation of myself.
Before I threw myself into tax resistance, my big interest was “culture jamming” — an intentional violation of habits and expectations as a way of heightening awareness.
Here’s how I described it at the time:
For me, it’s all about helping people discover the unwarranted assumptions they’re making, particularly in role-based and mediated social interactions.
The assumptions are pointed out by creating a situation in which they are most pointedly invalid or absurd.
A whole lot of the evil of the last century was conducted by people who followed rather sheep-like the twisted consensus reality of their societies.
What the trickster does is to find flaws in that consensus reality and to construct creative performances to exploit and uncover those flaws.
If this happens enough, perhaps people will come to develop an instinctive distrust of consensus reality and will be more likely to see reality as it is.
For a while, I was advertising meetings of the San Francisco Local Agency Formation Commission as though it were an avant-garde play in which actors were playing the parts of a government board having a meeting.
I don’t know if anyone ever sat through a meeting interpreting it as a piece of theater, but if even one person did, that would be wonderful.
So I began to feel that in Tarrou I’d found something of a kindred spirit, a feeling that increased as the book went on.
As the plague worsens, Tarrou learns that the authorities are considering conscripting people to undertake the various dangerous but necessary tasks involved in combating the spread of the disease.
They’re even considering using prisoners for the job.
Tarrou instead organizes a voluntary sanitary squad on his own initiative.
When Rieux asks him why he’s taking this on, Tarrou asks Rieux the same question.
Rieux tries to articulate an answer, to which Tarrou is largely sympathetic, but when Rieux returns the question, Tarrou answers:
“I don’t know.
My code of morals, perhaps.”
“Your code of morals?
What code?”
“Comprehension.”
Toward the end of the book, Tarrou is given several pages to explain himself at length, and we learn his backstory.
Again he strikes notes that harmonize with my own thinking.
He explains that at an early age he learned that his father was a prosecutor of death penalty cases.
His father had invited him to watch a trial at which he successfully condemned a man to death.
Tarrou instinctively identified with the condemned man and eventually became unable to live under his father’s roof as a result.
He left home and, the disgust at the death penalty still burning in him, joined forces with people throughout Europe fighting to undermine the existing order that justified such things.
But he came to doubt the reasons given by these revolutionaries (or propagandists of the deed or whatever they are; Tarrou is vague on this point) for their own inflictions of death.
By supporting these causes, Tarrou inadvertently strengthened the same demon that occupies the executioner.
“I came to understand that I… had plague through all those long years in which… I’d believed… I was fighting it… I had had an indirect hand in the deaths of thousands of people; that I’d even brought about their deaths by approving of acts and principles which could only end that way.”
His comrades disagreed, saying that the killings they carry out are justified, for the usual reasons people give.
But Tarrou concluded, and says history proved him right, that this sort of thinking only ends in a “competition who will kill the most.”
As time went on I merely learned that even those who were better than the rest could not keep themselves nowadays from killing or letting others kill, because such is the logic by which they live; and that we can’t stir a finger in this world without the risk of bringing death to somebody.
Yes, I’ve been ashamed ever since; I have realized that we all have plague, and I have lost my peace.
I only know that one must do what one can to cease being plague-stricken… So that is why I resolved to have no truck with anything which, directly or indirectly, for good reasons or for bad, brings death to anyone or justifies others’ putting him to death.
But this, he says, requires “keep[ing] endless watch” with “a vigilance that must never falter” and can only succeed with “the fewest lapses of attention” — “tremendous will-power, a never ending tension of the mind.”
This leads to a “desperate weariness.”
“I know I have no place in the world of today,” Tarrou concludes.
“Once I’d definitely refused to kill, I doomed myself to an exile that can never end.”
The world of today is a competition between sides that have made murder an indispensable ingredient in their recipes, and they constantly insist that you must choose a side.
Tarrou calls these sides “plagues” and says that rather than choose between plagues, you should remember that there are plagues and also victims, and you should choose with that in mind: “I decided to take, in every predicament, the victims’ side, so as to reduce the damage done.”
Tarrou wants to learn how to be a saint.
“Can one be a saint without God?”
he asks.
But remember the people he’s identified as candidates for sainthood earlier: the old asthmatic counting his peas over and over, and the man who spits on cats from his balcony — social isolates with mostly harmless but pointless habits who do no harm because they do very little at all.
At one point, Tarrou is talking with a scoundrel he’s befriended — Cottard — who, on the run from the law, feeling persecuted and friendless, had attempted to take his own life early in the book.
But now that the plague has hit Oran, he begins to blossom: the heat is off, and besides that he no longer feels alone: now everybody is feeling hunted down.
He understands people under threat and feels closer to them, though he expresses this in a haughty and grandiose way.
Having heard Cottard express these thoughts, Tarrou answers that in his opinion “the surest way of not being cut off from others was having a clean conscience.”
Cottard answers: “If that is so, everyone’s always cut off from everyone else.”
In his experience, sharing the experience of looming death brings people together in sympathy, but endeavoring to have our consciences clean toward one another as a precondition for sympathy is a recipe for isolation: a way to wind up hiding in your room counting peas or spitting at cats from a balcony.
Well this hit pretty close to home.
I, too, became disgusted at state-sponsored murder, and opted for withdrawal over violent revolution.
I am unusually cautious of inadvertently approving of violence by endorsing plans that have murder indelibly dyed into their fabric.
And I fret over the remaining ways in which my life is inevitably entwined with violence and other harms, I despair of ever regaining innocence, and I fantasize of ways to approach secular sainthood.
I also feel pretty alone in all of this and sometimes find it hard to relate to other people, and even sometimes isolate myself from close relationships because I obsess overmuch on my sins, flaws, and foibles.
Dr. Rieux is a character who runs parallel to Tarrou throughout the book: they share much of the same outlook on what takes place, they are interested in each other and confide in each other, they work closely together and become close friends.
But the subtle differences between them suggest ways of overcoming some of the snags Tarrou encounters.
Bernard Rieux
Rieux is a tougher nut for me to crack than the other characters.
He narrates the book, which means that there’s more material about his outlook and experiences to draw on, which is both a blessing and a curse.
He also hides his role as narrator until the end of the book, a weird decision that makes me somewhat distrustful of what he says.
He strikes me as a very good character — if anyone can be said to be the hero of The Plague, it’s him — but most of the story comes from his point of view, and he has a way of dropping things into the narration that reflect well on him, so we have to keep that in mind.
Rieux is a medical doctor, and when the plague comes he begins treating patients and advising on public health strategy without missing a beat.
This is his role, his purpose, what he’s prepared for, and he steps right into it without question (though he later allows himself some internal doubts).
He sees himself as a world-weary man of common decency and integrity: “a man who was sick and tired of the world he lived in — though he had much liking for his fellow men — and had resolved, for his part, to have no truck with injustice and compromises with the truth.”
His response to the plague is methodical.
“The thing,” he says, “was to do your job as it should be done.”
When the ceaseless grind of dealing with dying people over and over erodes his pity so that he performs emotionlessly — with a “bleak indifference” — he welcomes this as it makes his job easier and more efficient.
Abstraction
As narrator, Rieux reflects on the progress of the plague and on how this affects the people of the town, and a handful of specific people in particular.
In one of the more perplexing passages, he compares the divergent choices that he and Rambert have made by saying that Rambert chose “happiness” while he chose “abstraction.”
Abstraction?
It’s really difficult to know what he means by using that word.
Rambert introduced the term: angrily accusing Rieux of stubbornly sticking to dogmatic principles when Rieux refuses to give Rambert a certificate declaring him plague-free so that he can get out of the city (on the grounds that nobody can guarantee that any of them is plague-free): “You live in a world of abstractions,” Rambert says.
But when Rieux turns that term over in his mind, this is what he comes up with:
Could that term “abstraction” really apply to these days he spent in his hospital while the plague was battering the town, raising its death-toll to five hundred victims a week?
Yes, an element of abstraction, of a divorce from reality, entered into such calamities.
Still when abstraction sets to killing you, you’ve got to get busy with it.
Once the epidemic was diagnosed, the patient had to be evacuated forthwith.
Then indeed began “abstraction” and a tussle with the family.… Then came a second phase of conflict, tears and pleadings — abstraction, in a word.…
every evening mothers [of new plague victims] wailed… with a distraught abstraction… Rieux had nothing to look forward to but a long sequence of such scenes, renewed again and again.
Yes, plague, like abstraction, was monotonous…
To fight abstraction you must have something of it in your own make-up.
But how could Rambert be expected to grasp that?
Abstraction for him was all that stood in the way of his happiness.
Indeed, Rieux had to admit that the journalist was right, in one sense.
But he knew, too, that abstraction sometimes proves itself stronger than happiness; and then, if only then, it has to be taken into account.
So the plague itself is kind of an abstraction because it takes people away from the reality they had grown used to and thrusts them into this alternate plague-reality.
It also causes people to distance themselves emotionally and by denial from that new unpleasant reality, another sort of abstraction.
Its victims are abstracted from their families and ultimately from the world itself.
The mourners become preoccupied — “abstracted” — by their personal grief, and abstract themselves first through bargaining and denial and then by surrendering themselves to overwhelming emotion.
Abstraction is also monotonous, potentially strong, and may have murderous intentions.
It’s tough to put all of these puzzle pieces together.
Maybe if I knew French better that would help; from the way Camus uses the word “abstraction” it sounds like it shares some overlapping definitions with our “extraction” and “distraction” for instance (though French has those words as well).
At first I thought that Rieux was just being ironic.
After all, it is Rambert who is trying to “abstract” himself from town, and trying to insist the plague isn’t his problem but their problem.
Meanwhile Rieux is in the trenches.
He might be straining the word “abstraction” to the breaking point just to show how inadequate it is as a criticism of his behavior.
But the way he contrasts abstraction and happiness, and often finds himself ambivalent choosing between the two, made me consider another interpretation: happiness requires a sort of egocentric, unquestioning immersion in life — almost like Paneloux’s leap of faith, but in the opposite direction.
On the other hand, abstraction is the process of stepping back from life and trying to look at it objectively and see it from other viewpoints.
The plague is a kind of abstraction because it forces people to abandon the perspectives from which happiness is available to them in order that they can cope with the crisis, which must be met objectively — this is part of what makes the plague terrible and part of how it torments its victims. Rieux is ambivalent about Rambert’s choice because he can’t decide if Rambert is being irresponsible by not confronting the abstraction of the plague head-on on its own turf or whether Rambert is refusing to be victimized by the plague in this way and so deserves Rieux’s help as an innocent who is under threat.
In another context, Rieux (as the narrator) says: “to heroism the secondary place that rightly falls to it, just after, never before, the noble claim of happiness.”
Rieux refuses to condemn Rambert’s choice and even gives him help in his plans to escape.
Rieux as Healer
Tarrou at one point asks Rieux: “Why do you yourself show such devotion [to your task], considering you don’t believe in God?”
Rieux answers:
…that if he believed in an all-powerful God he would cease curing the sick and leave that to Him.
But no one in the world believed in a God of that sort; no, not even Paneloux, who believed that he believed in such a God [this is before the second sermon].
And this was proved by the fact that no one ever threw himself on Providence completely.
Anyhow, in this respect Rieux believed himself to be on the right road — in fighting against creation as he found it.
Yes, you’re thinking it calls for pride to feel that way.
But I assure you I’ve no more than the pride that’s needed to keep me going.
I have no idea what’s awaiting me, or what will happen when all this ends.
For the moment I know this; there are sick people and they need curing.
Later on, perhaps, they’ll think things over; and so shall I. But what’s wanted now is to make them well.
I defend them as best I can, that’s all.
When I entered this profession, I did it “abstractedly,” so to speak; because I had a desire for it, because it meant a career like another, one that young men often aspire to.
Perhaps, too, because it was particularly difficult for a workman’s son, like myself.
And then I had to see people die.
Do you know that there are some who refuse to die?
Have you ever heard a woman scream “Never!” with her last gasp?
Well, I have.
And then I saw that I could never get hardened to it.
I was young then, and I was outraged by the whole scheme of things, or so I thought.
Subsequently I grew more modest.
Only, I’ve never managed to get used to seeing people die.
That’s all I know.
Yet after all… since the order of the world is shaped by death, mightn’t it be better for God if we refuse to believe in Him and struggle with all our might against death, without raising our eyes toward the heaven where He sits in silence?”
Tarrou says that the doctor is doomed never to win his battle.
Rieux agrees: “A never ending defeat” he calls it, but says “it’s no reason for giving up the struggle.”
“Who taught you all this, Doctor?”
The reply came promptly:
“Suffering.”
Compare this to Tarrou’s one-word answer when he’s first called on to explain why he is also devoting himself to fighting the plague: “Comprehension.”
But toward the end of the book, when Rieux asks him what he thinks the way to peace is, Tarrou replies that he thinks it’s “the path of sympathy,” which suggests that maybe he’s been studying, admiring, and learning from Rieux all along.
Heroism and Ignorance
But to turn this simple intellectual/emotional dichotomy on its head, Rieux goes on a strange digression in which he puts forward a kind of Platonic argument that evil is a form of ignorance:
The evil that is in the world always comes of ignorance, and good intentions may do as much harm as malevolence, if they lack understanding.
On the whole, men are more good than bad; that, however, isn’t the real point.
But they are more or less ignorant, and it is that that we call vice or virtue; the most incorrigible vice being that of an ignorance that fancies it knows everything and therefore claims for itself the right to kill.
The soul of the murderer is blind; and there can be no true goodness nor true love without the utmost clear-sightedness.
Those, like himself, Tarrou, and others, who risk their lives to fight the plague, Rieux thinks, are not being heroic, but are just seeing things as they are and making a cold objective calculation of what needs to be done.
If there was a hero to be found during the plague, Rieux thinks, it was probably Monsieur Grand.
Joseph Grand
At the beginning of the novel, Rieux (as narrator) describes Grand as “tall and drooping, with narrow shoulders, thin limbs, and a yellowish mustache” as well as “big, protruding ears” and a weak constitution, “lost in the garments that he always chose a size too large, under the illusion that they would wear longer,” with none of his upper teeth left so that when he smiled “his mouth looked like a small black hole into his face.”
He “seemed always to have trouble in finding his words,” which is a funny observation because it later turns out that this meek clerk has been trying to write a great novel in his spare time, but because of his perfectionist aspirations (and the fact that he doesn’t have much of a way with words in the first place), he’s never gotten past rewriting and rewriting the first sentence trying to get it right.
“[I]n short, he had all the attributes of insignificance.”
But although a meek, mousy, hesitant, somewhat comic figure, he has a wholehearted, unquestioning acceptance of “common decency” that Rieux admires.
From this angle, the narrator [Rieux] holds that, more than Rieux or Tarrou, Grand was the true embodiment of the quiet courage that inspired the sanitary groups.
He had said yes without a moment’s hesitation and with the large-heartedness that was a second nature with him.
All he had asked was to be allotted light duties: he was too old for anything else.
He could give his time from six to eight every evening [after his clerk’s job].
When Rieux thanked him with some warmth, he seemed surprised.
“Why, that’s not difficult!
Plague is here and we’ve got to make a stand, that’s obvious.
Ah, I only wish everything were as simple!”
Yes, if it is a fact that people like to have examples given them, men of the type they call heroic, and if it is absolutely necessary that this narrative should include a “hero,” the narrator commends to his readers, with, to his thinking, perfect justice, this insignificant and obscure hero who had to his credit only a little goodness of heart and a seemingly absurd ideal.
During the plague period, Rieux and Tarrou behave and express themselves in very similar ways: it can be difficult to distinguish their outlooks and the motivations behind the choices they make.
But a big difference is that Tarrou sees his actions as part of a long-term project of attempted saintliness, which he seems to imagine will conclude in a withdrawal from the world’s morally-ambiguous decisions into a life of harmless triviality.
Tarrou doesn’t think the world offers a “normal” to return to.
To him, the plague, metaphorically, will always be with us.
Rieux on the other hand sees the plague as an interruption, and has no aspirations for sainthood: he just wants to go back to being a man who lives more or less as other men do and gets pleasure out of life.
When Rieux and Tarrou discuss this, Tarrou concludes: “Yes, we’re both after the same thing, but I’m less ambitious.”
Rieux at first thinks he’s being sarcastic, since being a saint is a more ambitious goal than being ordinary, but he sees that Tarrou is in earnest.
I think Tarrou must have meant that Rieux, with his desire to return to a plague-free normality, is the ambitious one.
This helps explain what Rieux sees in Grand: a kindred spirit, who also wants to fight this finite plague to the finish so he can get back to living his life and pursuing his happiness (getting that opening sentence just right).
Camus has stated in an interview that he prefers Rieux’ attitude as “a human, strictly human possibility” to Tarrou’s spiritual quest for sainthood.
This is in harmony with Camus’ rare modesty as well as with his unflagging and realistic fight against the plague of our times.
Yet in The Rebel… Camus’ doctrine of pure revolt shows an interweaving of ideas derived from Rieux and Tarrou both.…
Perhaps the truth of the matter is that Tarrou and Rieux represent two aspects of Camus himself: On the one hand, there is the thirst for purity of heart and the feeling that it is wrong to compromise with any society or with any party which permits the sacrifice of individuals for the good of the majority; on the other hand is the realization that preoccupation with one’s own innocence and retreat from the world form one more way of consenting to the evils which already exist.
“The characteristic feature of all ethics is to consider human life as a game that can be won or lost and to teach man the means of winning.”
―Simone de Beauvoir
Existentialism had an ethics problem, that is to say it inherited an ethics problem that had been festering since antiquity.
Particularly in the period after World War Ⅱ, existentialism appeared to be taking questions of ethics very seriously — to be a philosophy that was earnestly grappling with responsibility, value, conscience, taking sides, and the like — and yet if you tried to pin it down about what its ethics were based on, or which particular ethical decisions were the right ones and why, you were likely to run into a lot of obscure hand-waving.
Simone de Beauvoir’s The Ethics of Ambiguity attempts to make existentialist ethics intelligible — and to refute the caricature that since to an existentialist nothing is true and there is no God, everything is permitted and anyone’s values are as good as any others.
Today I’m going to see if I can summarize this book, largely as an exercise in trying to understand it better myself.
an anxiety about “identity,” particularly so-called “white identity,” drives some of the Donald Trump phenomenon
De Beauvoir starts off by describing our delicate position.
We want to be in the way that the objects around us exist, but instead we seem to be made of ephemeral stuff, becoming and evaporating, dangerously able to be first one way and then another at whim without any core identity to call our own.
To the extent we ever succeed in having a being, it is only in retrospect: we look back at the decisions we make and see patterns that resolve into virtues like patience, courage, or fidelity.
Our existence that strives for being and perpetually fails is a way of describing human freedom.
Because we cannot successfully resolve it into something more solid, our best choice is to embrace this never-ending failure and choose it as our life-long path, acknowledging that our natural home is in this constant unresolved striving.
This choosing of freedom is, according to de Beauvoir, the cornerstone of existentialist ethics.
Other possible choices include suicide, which has its obvious drawbacks, and various forms of dishonest hiding from our freedom: such as making believe that we have solidified into a being and that our choices are determined by this being’s nature, not chosen by us.
If you decide that your choices are not yours to make, that they don’t matter (or more precisely, that they don’t matter to you), you are acting in “bad faith” in existentialist terminology.
De Beauvoir identifies this with the origin of evil because dishonest decisions are decisions nonetheless and they betray your values rather than represent them.
“Not only do we assert that the existentialist doctrine permits the elaboration of an ethics, but it even appears to us as the only philosophy in which an ethics has its place.”
Part Ⅱ
In Part Ⅱ of Ethics of Ambiguity, de Beauvoir takes a closer look at temptation.
We start in the innocence of childhood.
As children, we at first believe that grown-ups have got it all figured out, and that we too will eventually emerge from the chrysalis as fully-formed beings.
As human larvae, we feel that our choices have no real significance — everything important about the world and our place in it was established before we got here, and we have merely to grow into our place and understand our part.
Adults seem to have no trouble instinctively identifying certain of our behaviors as “bad” or “good,” and we expect that we too will grow to develop this sixth sense.
But in adolescence doubt creeps in.
This sixth sense fails to develop, and there are hints that the grown-ups might be faking it.
It dawns on children that they are not simply going to fit into a place ready-made for them, but that they will have to forge themselves into something of their own choosing.
Different children confront this emerging awareness with different levels of generosity, good will, and attentiveness; those traits in turn emerge as vitality, intelligence, and sensitivity; and those virtues shape the values and goals that the child ends up choosing in their project of attempted becoming.
But there’s always the temptation to back away from this frightening project with its existential vertigo.
The child is frequently invited to instead adopt ready-made values and roles and to lay down the burden of choosing his or her own.
These ready-made values de Beauvoir calls “serious” values.
To the serious world, people do not have to choose values and roles because these already exist for everyone: they are to be discovered, not invented, and the initial discovery has already been made.
People who give into this temptation to adopt the serious values without choosing their own never mature.
They become “sub-men,” and they are worthy of contempt because they have chosen not to choose, have freely denied their freedom.
They are also dangerous:
In lynchings, in pogroms, in all the great bloody movements organized by the fanaticism of seriousness and passion, movements where there is no risk, those who do the actual dirty work are recruited from among the sub-men.
This is why every man who wills himself free within a human world fashioned by free men will be so disgusted by the sub-men.
“Serious” people never abandoned the illusion of finding those permanent, real, universal values that they assumed as children would eventually be revealed to them.
Part of what makes serious people dangerous is that they don’t make much of an effort to choose wisely which values to subordinate themselves to: this is because it’s not the particular values they care about, but the ability to use those values to relieve them from the burden of choosing and being responsible for their own choices.
Unless you are actually in a hopelessly subordinate political position (such as a prisoner, slave, or schoolchild), you are not actually forced to adopt serious values as your own.
The attempt by serious people to deny their freedom doesn’t actually work; the best you can do is to make-believe it’s working: You constantly choose the serious values and constantly pretend that it’s the values doing the choosing, not you.
Some people stick with serious values because the only alternative they can imagine is a nihilism in which there are no values at all.
But de Beauvoir says that in fact nihilism is itself a form of seriousness — “disappointed seriousness which has turned back upon itself.”
Whereas serious people pretend to find values written on the fabric of the universe and so give up on the frightening project of choosing the values they will live by; nihilists pretend that when they discovered there are no such ready-made values they also discovered an excuse for not having to choose any values whatsoever.
The serious and the nihilist also can form an alliance of sorts.
Serious people can use nihilist arguments to deny the existence or validity of competing values, thereby further insulating themselves from having to question the serious values they have chosen to hide behind.
Heretics are also not the opposite of seriousness so much as they are equal and opposite forms of seriousness.
So for instance Ayn Rand’s iconoclastic attacks on altruism were in the service of her own serious virtue of selfishness.
Anton LaVey’s church of Satan, or (de Beauvoir’s example) Baudelaire’s contempt for churchly morality are mirror-images of what they oppose, and only survive with reference to their opposing seriousnesses.
It’s only existentialism, and not any of these things, that really drives a stake into the heart of seriousness.
But there are also some other, more subtle ways in which people can go astray:
For example, the man who gives himself to a cause which he knows to be lost chooses to merge the world with one of its aspects which carries within it the germ of its ruin, involving himself in this condemned universe and condemning himself with it.
Another man devotes his time and energy to an undertaking which was not doomed to failure at the start but which he himself is bent on ruining.
Still another rejects each of his projects one after the other, frittering them away in a series of caprices and thereby systematically annulling the ends which he is aiming at.
This adoption of values that are null-values was taken to artistic extremes (or perhaps was well-satirized) by Dadaism.
(Post)modern deconstructionism strikes me as a more earnest and more ridiculous version of this same pathology.
Another dodge is that of the “adventurer” — “He throws himself into his undertaking with zest, into exploration, conquest, war, speculation, love, politics, but he does not attach himself to the end at which he aims; only to his conquest.”
Adventurers have almost figured it out.
“[I]f existentialism were solipsistic, as is generally claimed, it would have to regard the adventurer as its perfect hero.”
Adventurers do not deny their freedom, but this “freedom… [is] indifferent to its content.”
Adventurers are dangerous, too, because their grand plans (sometimes with hidden “serious” goals like fame and fortune) encourage them to seek out and make alliances with sources of concentrated power.
How do you raise an army to become the Napoleon of your dreams without becoming symbiotic with a tyrannical state?
De Beauvoir asserts that the adventurer fails because freedom cannot genuinely be exercised with indifference to its effects on other free people.
Unfortunately, this assertion, which seems so crucial to de Beauvoir’s purpose, isn’t justified so much as it is presented as self-evident.
Sounding suspiciously like a “serious” person, de Beauvoir says “the freedom of other men must be respected and they must be helped to free themselves.
Such a law imposes limits upon action and at the same time immediately gives it a content.
Beyond the rejected seriousness is found a genuine seriousness.”
But what makes this seriousness “genuine” and how do we know this — where does this “law” come from?
De Beauvoir does not yet say.
The “passionate man” tries another mode of false freedom.
Whereas to the adventurer it’s all about the doing, without regard of what is getting done to, the passionate man puts some object on a pedestal, wraps it in subjective robes, and then worships it as a sort of private altar.
Like the case of the adventurer, the passionate man almost gets it right — he correctly sees himself as what creates values, but he incorrectly deifies those values and locks himself inside of them, excluding everyone else from a weird, private world.
The passionate man is unpleasantly monomaniacal: “The whole universe is perceived only as an ensemble of means or obstacles through which it is a matter of attaining the thing in which one has engaged his being.”
And for this reason also, the passionate man can be dangerous: “If the object of his passion concerns the world in general, this tyranny becomes fanaticism.”
The passionate man is less in love with what he values than with his valuing, and so he does not really respect others’ freedom but instead sees others as obstacles or means-to-an-end (as with the adventurer) or as idols.
But it’s risky and frightening to try to live out your own free life and also to affirm the freedom of those around you.
It’s mind-bogglingly complex and full of possibilities for hurtful failure.
Another way to try to escape from this complexity is the path of the “intellectual.”
Intellectuals, “instead of building their existence upon the indefinite unfolding of time, propose to assert it in its eternal aspect and to achieve it as an absolute [and] thereby, to surmount the ambiguity of their condition.”
The intellectual tries to stand outside of messy reality and to adopt a point of view where it can be viewed objectively.
But this disengagement is ultimately impossible — we are hopelessly entangled with the reality we perceive and cannot successfully adopt as our defining worldview an “objective” one.
The “artist” tries another approach.
Rather than trying to transform their own ephemeral existences into concrete beings, artists try to capture existence itself into lasting works of art — to give form to the churning maelstrom of becoming or to commemorate the ongoing project of existence.
But the artist can fall into the same trap as the passionate man if art becomes an idol.
There are many varieties of tempting evasions like these, but when it comes right down to it:
There is no way for a man to escape from this world.
It is in this world that — avoiding the pitfalls we have just pointed out — he must realize himself morally.
Freedom must project itself toward its own reality through a content whose value it establishes.
An end is valid only by the freedom which established it and which willed itself through this end.
But this will implies that freedom is not to be engulfed in any goal; neither is it to dissipate itself vainly without aiming at a goal.
De Beauvoir then tries to explain more carefully why it is that the values and projects we choose must take into account other freedoms like our own, and must respect, choose, and defend those freedoms as freedoms. In part, she does this by imagining the solipsistic worlds the adventurer, passionate man, intellectual, artist, and so forth try to retreat into as though they really were worlds empty of other free individuals worthy of consideration: who would the adventurer be trying to impress? what would the passions of the passionate man be any good for? who would admire the profundities of the intellectual or the achievements of the artist?
“If I were really everything there would be nothing beside me; the world would be empty.
There would be nothing to possess, and I myself would be nothing.”
So: “Man can find a justification of his own existence only in the existence of other men.”
And thus ethics is necessary, and is necessary to the existentialist project.
To will oneself free is also to will others free.
This will is not an abstract formula.
It points out to each person concrete action to be achieved.
But the others are separate, even opposed, and the man of good will sees concrete and difficult problems arising in his relations with them.
Part Ⅲ
In part Ⅲ, de Beauvoir tries to make clearer what “this positive aspect of morality” entails.
She reiterates that we must avoid the temptation to look at life purely aesthetically — to contemplate it from without as though it were a finished thing being presented to us for our appreciation.
Life must be lived actively, and contemplated only retrospectively: “the present is not a potential past; it is the moment of choice and action… to put oneself ‘outside’ is still a way of living the inescapable fact that one is inside; those French intellectuals who, in the name of history, poetry, or art, sought to rise above the drama of the age, were willy-nilly its actors; more or less explicitly, they were playing the occupier’s game.”
Although its critics accuse existentialism of demanding that we urgently make choices without giving us any guidance as to how or what for, de Beauvoir insists that the same freedom that prompts our need to choose also gives us the primary value our choices ought to defend: freedom against the oppressor and against ideologies that bolster oppression.
“To want existence, to want to disclose the world, and to want men to be free are one and the same will” — “the supreme end at which man must aim is his freedom, which alone is capable of establishing the value of every end.”
Oppressive ideologies rarely forthrightly demand the “freedom” to oppress; after all, if the oppressor were really concerned with freedom, he or she would want to defend it for everyone.
Instead the oppressor usually shows him or herself to be trapped in a mistake of seriousness: “rather than make an unvarnished demand for freedom to oppress he is more apt to present himself as the defender of certain values.
It is not in his own name that he is fighting, but rather in the name of civilization, of institutions, of monuments, and of virtues which realize objectively the situation which he intends to maintain.”
Oppression tries to defend itself by its utility.
But we have seen that it is one of the lies of the serious mind to attempt to give the word “useful” an absolute meaning; nothing is useful if it is not useful to man; nothing is useful to man if the latter is not in a position to define his own ends and values, if he is not free.
…if one wishes to give the word useful a universal and absolute meaning, it is always a question of reabsorbing each man into the bosom of mankind…
De Beauvoir says that although the genuine interests of the oppressors lie in freedom for everybody, there’s little hope of convincing them of that.
She dismisses the idea of a Gandhian conversion of the oppressor:
In order for a liberating action to be a thoroughly moral action, it would have to be achieved through a conversion of the oppressors: there would then be a reconciliation of all freedoms. But no one any longer dares to abandon himself today to these Utopian reveries.
We know only too well that we can not count upon a collective conversion.
Instead we must bite the bullet, dehumanize the oppressors so as to treat them merely as obstacles, and crush them.
If you are not the unflinching enemy of the oppressor, you become an unwitting collaborator.
It’s just an unpleasant fact “that one finds himself forced to treat certain men as things in order to win the freedom of all.”
And it’s even worse than this.
It’s one thing to be forced to acknowledge forthright oppressors as subhuman things — “[a] freedom which is occupied in denying freedom is itself so outrageous that the outrageousness of the violence which one practices against it is almost canceled out” — but it’s another thing to practice violence against good people who get in your way.
Apparently, though, this is a necessary thing as well:
In order to win an urgent victory, one has to give up the idea, at least temporarily, of serving certain valid causes; one may even be brought to the point of fighting against them.
Thus, during the course of the last war, no Anti-fascist could have wanted the revolts of the natives in the British Empire to be successful; on the contrary, these revolts were supported by the Fascist regimes; and yet, we can not blame those who, considering their emancipation to be the more urgent action, took advantage of the situation to obtain it.
Thus, it is possible, and often it even happens, that one finds himself obliged to oppress and kill men who are pursuing goals whose validity one acknowledges himself.
Even worse, sometimes you have to consider your allies and even yourselves to be mere things — mere armaments to be deployed against the freedom-threatening foe.
“Thus one finds himself in the presence of the paradox that no action can be generated for man without its being immediately generated against men.”
This paradox is so unpalatable that those who undertake it often lie to themselves about what they are doing.
They make up euphemisms for the sacrifices they demand, they create a seriousness out of their cause and subordinate individual people to it.
Given that the world is messy, and that “in order to serve some men we must do disservice to others[, b]y which principle are we to choose between them?”
De Beauvoir seems here to revert to a run-of-the-Mill utilitarianism, but with existentialist freedom in the place of the ultimate good.
If we are genuinely and with good will trying to attain this good, we are justified in sacrificing the freedom of the few for the freedom of the many, or the less freedom-enhancing person for the more freedom-enhancing person, and so forth.
Is this just another form of the catastrophic utopian ends-justify-the-means thinking that has led to so many horrors?
Not so quick: “The means, it is said, will be justified by the end; but it is the means which define it, and if it is contradicted at the moment that it is set up, the whole enterprise sinks into absurdity.”
In other words: “Since the liberation aimed at is not a thing situated in an unfamiliar time, but a movement which realizes itself by tending to conquer, it cannot attain itself if it denies itself at the start; action can not seek to fulfill itself by means which would destroy its very meaning.”
For example:
[T]he attitude of England in regard to Spain, Greece, and Palestine is defended with the pretext that she must take up position against the Russian menace in order to save, along with her own existence, her civilization and the values of democracy; but a democracy which defends itself only by acts of oppression equivalent to those of authoritarian regimes, is precisely denying all these values; whatever the virtues of a civilization may be, it immediately belies them if it buys them by means of injustice and tyranny.
And also, in more stark rejection of purely utilitarian calculations:
[W]e condemn a magistrate who handed over a communist to save ten hostages and along with him all the Vichyites who were trying “to make the best of things:” it was not a matter of rationalizing the present such as it was imposed by the German occupation, but of rejecting it unconditionally.
The resistance did not aspire to a positive effectiveness; it was a negation, a revolt, a martyrdom; and in this negative movement freedom was positively and absolutely confirmed.
In general, “[t]hose who project themselves toward a Future-Thing and submerge their freedom in it find the [deceptive] tranquility of the serious.”
We instead have to accept that conflict will always be with us, and so we cannot justify our choices today by weighing them, Pascal’s wager style, against an infinitely just and peaceful future kingdom.
“The tasks we have set up for ourselves… must find their meaning in themselves and not in a mythical Historical end.”
This also means we can reject the excuse for injustice that says that because we live in exceptional times, we must adopt measures that could not be justified otherwise.
These times of conflict and injustice are normal times, and if we cannot justify our actions without resort to exceptions we cannot justify them at all.
On the one hand we have to aim towards a future project that we may never live to see realized, and on the other hand we must not expect the success of that future project to retroactively justify the choices we make today.
And we must also occasionally pause to respect that if we are fighting for freedom to live, we ought occasionally to take our eyes off of our future goals and enliven the present moment which does belong to us — to prove that we know what we are fighting for.
“[T]he movement toward freedom assumes its real, flesh and blood figure in the world by thickening into pleasure, into happiness.… If we do not love life on our own account and through others, it is futile to seek to justify it in any way.”
“That is the reason,” de Beauvoir writes, “societies institute festivals whose role is to stop the movement of transcendence, to set up the end as an end.”
That is the modern meaning of the festival, private as well as public.
Existence attempts in the festival to confirm itself positively as existence.
That is why, as Bataille has shown, it is characterized by destruction; the ethics of being is the ethics of saving: by storing up, one aims at the stationary plenitude of the in-itself, existence on the contrary, is consumption; it makes itself only by destroying; the festival carries out the negative movement in order to indicate clearly its independence in relationship to the thing: one eats, drinks, lights fires, breaks things, and spends time and money; one spends them for nothing.
The spending is also a matter of establishing a communication of the existants, for it is by the movement of recognition which goes from one to the other that existence is confirmed; in songs, laughter, dances, eroticism, and drunkenness one seeks both an exaltation of the moment and a complicity with other men.
The foundation of a mature ethics is a situation de Beauvoir calls “ambiguity.”
We can never learn the meaning of existence, but must always be in the progress of generating this meaning, a process that never reaches its goal.
In this way, “through failure and outrageousness,” we save our existence.
“Ethics does not furnish recipes any more than do science and art.
One can merely propose methods.”
Revolt against injustice is the purest form of action (its positive counterpart, establishing justice, is messier and more compromised).
We ought to strive not to do what we think is best for people, but to free people to seek out what they feel is best for themselves.
Paternalistic coercion (except with actual children or in certain other limited circumstances) is unwise: considering that we each save our existences through failure and outrageousness, “[t]o want to prohibit a man from error is to forbid him to fulfill his own existence, it is to deprive him of life.”
While “the good of an individual or a group of individuals requires that it be taken as an absolute end of our action[, ] we are not authorized to decide upon this end a priori.”
Every case is a unique case, and you cannot simply use a formula.
The fact is that no behavior is ever authorized to begin with, and one of the concrete consequences of existentialist ethics is the rejection of all the previous justifications which might be drawn from the civilization, the age, and the culture; it is the rejection of every principle of authority.
To put it positively, the precept will be to treat the other… as a freedom so that his end may be freedom; in using this conducting wire one will have to incur the risk, in each case, of inventing an original solution.
Conclusion
This is the second time I’ve tried to read The Ethics of Ambiguity.
It’s not easy reading.
Maybe it’s the translation, or maybe it’s the way people philosophize in French, but there’s a lot of stuff that seems unnecessarily obscure.
It also doesn’t seem particularly rigorous to me.
I tried to read it as an argument, and I think I should have tried to read it as more of an impressionistic vision.
I thought the first two parts of the book were the strongest, where de Beauvoir describes our precarious position, the various ways we try to hide from it, and the development of our sense of existential vertigo as we emerge from childhood.
I had a hard time distinguishing de Beauvoir’s chosen prime directive in a coherent way from the other “serious” values she criticizes, and an even harder time unraveling the utilitarian means she sometimes advocates from those she harshly criticizes.
But it may just be a fact about the world that ethics is messy and resists systematization, and books that try to tidy and systematize it must necessarily have a lot of loose ends.