Some historical and global examples of tax resistance → women’s suffrage movements → British women’s suffrage movement → Captain Gonne

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From the issue of The Vote:

The Vote

A Red-Tape Comedy.

[Our readers will be specially interested in the following account by Mrs. Ayers Purdie of her successful appeal against the Inland Revenue authorities.]

I desire it to be clearly understood that the following narrative is not an extract from Alice in Wonderland, neither is it a scene out of a Gilbert and Sullivan comic opera. It is a simple and faithful account of a successful Income-Tax appeal which was heard at Durham on . The appellant was a Suffragist, belonging to the Women’s Tax-Resistance League and the Women’s Social and Political Union. I was conducting the case for the appellant, which I am legally entitled to do under Section 13 of the Revenue Act, 1903.

Dramatis Personæ

The dramatis personæ are as follows: Two Commissioners of Taxes, elderly gentlemen, inclining, like all their kind, to baldness; spectacled of course; one of them wearing his spectacles high on his forehead, and looking out at me from under his eyebrows with a pair of piercing eyes. These gentlemen hear appeals under the Income-Tax Acts, and are the judges therein. Their decision is absolutely final, except on a point of law, in which case a further appeal may be made to the High Court. To continue the list, there is also the Clerk to the Commissioners, who is a solicitor, member of a well-known North-country firm. His business is to record everything, and to help the Commissioners on knotty legal questions; and, finally, the Surveyor of Taxes, who conducts the case for the Crown. Opposed to all these learned gentlemen are my client and myself.

Unlike all other cases, in which the plaintiff or appellant has the opening and closing of the case, the procedure in these appeals is reversed; the Crown has the first and the last word, which puts a handicap on the appellant.

Accordingly the Surveyor of Taxes is invited to open the proceedings with a statement of his case; and he sets forth that Dr. Alice Burn, of Sunderland, Assistant Medical Inspector for the County of Durham, is receiving an official salary of so much per annum, and, though she has a husband, he lives in New Zealand, according to her own admission, so an assessment has been made on her salary and the Surveyor claims that he is fully entitled to do so.

Then it is my turn to put my case, and I freely admit all the facts as stated by the Surveyor, but challenge the conclusion he has drawn from them; my case being that by Section 45 of the Income-Tax Act of 1842 Dr. Burn cannot be held liable for the tax. The solicitor reads this section aloud to the Commissioners. Most women are familiar, since the famous [Elizabeth & Mark] Wilks episode, with the words on which I am relying. They are, “the profits (i.e., income) of any married woman living with her husband shall be deemed the profits of the husband, and shall be charged in the name of the husband, and not in her name.” One of the Commissioners asks in whose name was Dr. Burn’s salary assessed, and is told that it has been charged in her own name.

Geographical Separation.

The Surveyor, invited to offer any arguments or evidence to support his case, says that as Dr. Burn is here and Mr. Burn is in New Zealand, she cannot be living with him.

I argue, as against this, that the case really involves a point of law as to what is meant or implied by the words “living with her husband;” that these words must be interpreted strictly in accordance with their legal signification, and therefore I shall contend that my client lives with her husband in the legal sense, though I fully admit the geographical separation.

This term, “geographical separation,” seems to strike one of the Commissioners very forcibly; he repeats it with much relish, adding, “Yes, I can see what you mean, and I suppose you will say that the Crown cannot take any cognisance of a mere geographical separation. Quite so.” Apparently he thinks this is a good point, and he glances towards the solicitor, as if wondering how in the world they will get over it. By this time both Commissioners, who started with the expression of men about to be frightfully bored, have become thoroughly alert and impressed; and the Surveyor appears to realise that his task will nt be such an easy one as he anticipated. He becomes slightly nervous and confused, a little inclined to bluster, and to take the matter personally, which causes him sometimes to contradict himself and to refute his own arguments. Being now invited to consider the point about “the geographical separation,” he declines to have anything to do with it, and strenuously denies that any point of law is involved. He absolutely refuses to consider the matter from this standpoint, and declares that the Commissioners do not take the legal aspect into account in forming their decision. According to him, this case is purely one of fact, and what the Commissioners have to do is to consider the actual fact, and nothing else. He knows that if a woman’s husband is at the other side of the world she is not living with him in actual fact, and therefore cannot be said to be living with him at all.

Impertinent Questions

Asked by me to state on what authority he bases this last assertion, he says that he bases it on his own authority; and on his own common-sense. This leads me to inquire how it happened that, being so fully convinced that my client was not living with her husband, he yet had written to her asking her to furnish him with her husband’s name, address, occupation, the amount of his income, &c. He begs this question by complaining that her reply had been that she could not tell him her husband’s address; and, of course, if a woman could not give her husband’s address it was perfectly plain that she could not be living with him.

I point out that this does not follow, and one of the Commissioners mildly suggests that my client shall explain why she made this reply. She readily answers that her primary reason was indignation at his questions. The Commissioner, who seems to be rather human, and quick at grasping things, remarks, “Ah, I see. You thought he had asked you a lot of impertinent questions, and that was your method of showing your resentment. Very natural, I’m sure.”

The Surveyor being apparently unprepared with any further argument or evidence beyond the assertion of his own common-sense, it is again my innings. I take up the tale by reference to the decision in Shrewsbury v. Shrewsbury, which showed that the Crown can only claim to levy tax on spinsters, widows, or femes soles, and my client does not correspond to any one of these descriptions. I quote precedents set by the Inland Revenue Department on other occasions; as witness the successful objection made to taxation by Miss Decima Moore, Miss Constance Collier, and sundry other ladies, whose circumstances were precisely the same as those of my client. The Surveyor pretends to be too dense to understand how those ladies whose names I have mentioned could have husbands, and has to have it all minutely explained to him before he is convinced. A Commissioner asks if I can give any other instances, and I reply, “I am an instance myself, if that will do. My husband’s business compels him to live in Hampshire, while my own business equally compels me to live in London; but no Surveyor of Taxes has ever ventured to assess me, or to insinuate that I am a feme-sole. Perhaps you will tell me that I do not live with my husband,” I gently suggest to the present Surveyor of Taxes, who looks as if nothing would give him greater satisfaction if he only dared, but he does not offer to accept this invitation, and the Commissioner hastily says, “I think we are now quite satisfied on the question of precedents.”

I am then proceeding to state that the Crown has itself embodied the correct attitude towards married women in one of the forms issues from Somerset House, in which reference is made to the treatment of “a married woman permanently separated from her husband,” when the Surveyor interrupts — “Are you giving that as evidence?” “Yes, I am,” I reply. “Then I shall object to it,” he says. “I deny that there is any Revenue form having such words upon it, and I object to that statement being received as evidence.”

“As he repudiates the existence of this form, I fear we must uphold his objection,” says the Commissioner apologetically to me.

“Oh,” I exclaim, affecting to be greatly dismayed, “this really was my strongest point. Do you mean to say you will not admit it because you have not this form before you?”

“I am afraid we cannot, if the Surveyor persists in his objection. As you see, he is also making avery strong point of it,” is the reply. The Surveyor intimates that he will persist.

“Very well,” I say, in a tone of resignation to the inevitable; and then there is a short and uncomfortable pause. The Surveyor looks pleased, as though he fancies he has scored at last. The other three appear to sympathise with me; even my client begins to look apprehensive, as if she fears I am done for. Because (as she tells me subsequently) she also thinks I cannot produce this thing, and that I have only been bluffing.

Piece de Resistance

But I make a sudden dive down to my satchel, which lies open on the floor at my feet, and where, unseen by anybody else, the disputed form (No. 44A) has been lying in wait; my last act, before I left London, having been to equip myself with this most important document. It is laid in front of the Commissioners, and they and the solicitor stare very hard at it, shake their heads over it, and murmur to one another, “Yes, it says so, right enough,” and “This settles it, don’t you think?” When they have quite done with it, the Surveyor has his turn, and he pounces upon it, examines it intently, up and down, and all round, as if to convince himself that there is no deception, and that it is not a conjuring trick. (I must do him the justice to say that I honesty believe he has never seen or heard of this form before, as it is very little used.)

It is now fairly evident that my pièce de résistance, No. 44A, has clinched the business, as I knew it must, and that my case is as good as won. But the Surveyor starts off desperately on a fresh tack. “Even if those words are on this form,” he says, in portentious tones, “it does not follow that what is stated on official forms is necessarily in accordance with law.” “I quite agree with you there,” is my cordial reply. “If everything that is contrary to law were to be eliminated from the form, there would be very little left. But you may take it that the part I am relying on is perfectly good law,” and I glance toward the solicitor, who nods his assent.

“Then I shall maintain that you cannot reply upon what any form says, because the Board of Inland Revenue can at any moment alter the wording of a form,” says the Surveyor. “Yes, the Board always have the power to vary the forms when they think fit,” echo the Commissioners.

“But they have not yet altered this one,” I object, “and you cannot raise a valid argument against it by simply saying that it might be something different if it did not happen to be what it is. The Board have put these words on this form to serve some particular purpose of their own; and it so happens that it equally suits my purpose to make use of them here and now. It is ‘up to you’ to decide this case in one way or the other; but the Crown is not going, as hitherto, to claim to have things both ways.”

“Both ways, indeed,” laughs one of the Commissioners. “Why, the Crown will have it three ways, if it is possible.”

“And I am here to show the Crown that it is not possible,” I retort.

The Surveyor is disinclined further to contest the validity of Form No. 44A; but the solicitor seems to be uneasy, as if he feels that the Crown is losing prestige, and that somebody must make the running for it. So he starts to read an obscure and wearisome section of the Income-Tax Act relating to “foreigners” coming to reside in this country!

Ethel Ayers Purdie.

(To be continued.)

I’ll post the second part of the above article on .

Also from the same issue:

Tax Resistance.

Women’s Freedom League.

After inexplicable delays, the representatives of the Law have finally made up their minds to wrestle with the case of Dr. [Elizabeth] Knight. On , the Hon. Treasurer of the League received a call from a gentleman who embodied in his person the might, majesty and power of the London County Council, and the Court of Petty Sessions, and showed a desire to annex Dr. Knight’s property in lieu of the £2 5s. which she declines to pay. It is hardly necessary to tell readers of The Vote that he got very little satisfaction out of his visit, seeing that no fine was forthcoming, no property could be seized, and no information was vouchsafed. After some slight altercation, and an almost pathetic attempt at persuasion, in neither of which was any advantage gained, the Law retired, to return at some future period (unstated) with a warrant for the arrest of the smiling culprit, who declined, in accordance with the attitude taken up by the Women’s Freedom League, to furnish any information or facilities to the agents of the Government.

Miss Janet Bunten, whose goods were seized in Glasgow at twenty-four hours’ notice, was absent from home with the women marchers at the time that the Government executed its mandate for the distraint. We are glad to be able to say that a staunch friend of Miss Bunten’s, who belongs to the Women’s Social and Political Union — some of whose members were in the same plight — bought in the goods for her.

Women’s Tax Resistance League.

Last week Mrs. Kineton Parkes spoke at Manchester and Leeds, and on Mrs. [Caroline] Fagan spoke at Woking on the subject of Tax Resistance. New members joined the League at each place. On , a Tax Resistance meeting was held under the auspices of the Hampstead W.S.P.U., and was presided over by Mrs. [Myra Eleanor] Sadd Brown. Mrs. Kineton Parkes and Mr. Mark Wilks were the speakers. Particulars appear in another column [sic] of the Caxton Hall Reception, on , to Mr. Mark Wilks. Great interest will also be attached to the account of the case of Dr. Alice Burn, Medical Officer of Health for the County of Durham. Mrs. Ayers Purdie appeared for her in Durham, and won our case against the Inland Revenue — a notable triumph for the Cause. The Women’s Tax Resistance will join the Marchers at Camden-town on and proceed with the John Hampden Banner to Trafalgar-square.

Also from the same issue:

Enthusiastic Reception to Mr. Mark Wilks.

Two meetings; the same hall; the same man as the centre of interest; yet what a difference! In , Mr. Mark Wilks was in prison, and the Caxton Hall rang with the indignant demand for his release. In Mr. Mark Wilks was on the platform, and the Caxton Hall rang with enthusiastic appreciation of his service to the Woman’s Cause. “It is fitting that on this memorable day, when the Government has been defeated in the House of Commons, that we should meet to celebrate the defeat of the Government by Mr. Mark Wilks,” said Mr. Pethick Lawrence. One had only to scan the platform and glance round the hall on to note that the Women’s Tax Resistance League has the power to call together men and women determined to do and to suffer in order to win the legal badge of citizenship for women and the amending of unjust laws. Mr. Wilks and his brave wife, Dr. Elizabeth Wilks, had a fine reception, and their speeches were clear, straight challenges to all to carry on the fight. “We must never tire,” said Dr. Wilks, as she showed the injustice of the working of the income tax methods of collection, and told heartrending stories of the betrayal of young girls, “until we have won sex equality.” “If anyone fears that he has not courage to go to prison he will soon find, when he is inside, that one of its peculiar characteristics is to produce a determination and courage undreamed of to resist, not its discipline, which is a farce, but its tyranny, which oppresses the weak, and vanishes like the mist before the strong.” Thus, Mr. Mark Wilks; and, having been inside himself, he declared that he was most anxious that Captain Gonne should enjoy a similar experience, because he is resisting taxation, largely on account of the White Slave Traffic. “They seized an obscure man; let the important ones be seized. They did not know you were behind me; we will show the one or two men who really stand for the great scheme we call ‘Government,’ that we are behind Captain Gonne. I have been inside and know how to do it. Play the band and cheer. The effect is electric!”

Mr. Robert Cholmely, M.P., from the chair, blessed the Tax Resistance movement; Mr. Pethick Lawrence acclaimed it as part of a militant policy against a Government which abandons its Liberal principles and finds itself defeated; Mrs. [Charlotte] Despard rejoiced that the best men were standing by the women; Mrs. Cobden Sanderson pleaded for more recruits for the League to help it to find more Mark Wilks; Miss Bensusan and Miss Decima Moore delighted and amused everyone by their recitations of imaginary Antis and real tax collectors. A notable gathering on a notable day.


The Vote

From the issue of The Vote:

Tax Resistance.

Sale at Petersfield.

Miss Cummins, who lives in the pretty little district of Froxfield, near Petersfield, had goods sold in respect of non-payment of King’s Taxes on afternoon. Miss [C. Nina] Boyle and Miss [Jessie?] Murray attended the sale from Headquarters, and among local supporters were Miss Cummins and her sister, Mrs. Baddeley (W.S.P.U.), Mr. Powell, Mr. Roper, and others. The assistant auctioneer, to whom it fell to conduct the sale, was most unfriendly, and refused to allow any speaking during the sale; but Miss Boyle was able to shout through a window at his back, just over his shoulder, an announcement that the goods were seized because Miss Cummins refused to submit to taxation without representation, after which quite a number of people who were attending the sale came out to listen to the speeches. Perched on the parapet of the churchyard wall, Miss Murray opened the brief meeting, followed by Miss Boyle, both receiving unexpected attention. Mr. Powell then spoke a few effective words to the men present, calling upon them as voters to give effect to the women’s protest by approaching their member and warning him that Women’s Suffrage was a question to which he would be expected to give serious attention.

It would appear that, in spite of its remote position and quiet, uneventful life, Suffrage has made great way in the Petersfield district. There are some 250 Suffragists, and several influential secessions from the Liberal Association have taken place over the question.

Arrest and Release of Captain Gonne.

Captain Gonne, R.A., was arrested at his residence at Bognor, on , and taken to Lewes gaol for non-payment of Imperial taxes. Captain Gonne, whose wife is a member of the Women’s Tax Resistance League, refuses to pay his wife’s income-tax, because he supports her in the belief that there should be no taxation without representation, and because he wishes to do his share towards altering the iniquitous laws regulating the taxation of married women. He refuses to pay his own taxes as a protest against the Government’s broken pledges to women and their torture of women prisoners. The Women’s Tax Resistance League at once organised a campaign of protest, in which the Women’s Freedom League and other Suffrage societies would have joined, to hold meetings outside Lewes Gaol. On night, however, he was set free; and the Women’s Tax Resistance League is now raising serious points in regard to the legality of the arrest and the treatment otherwise meted out to him. It is well known that Captain Gonne’s health has suffered severely of late, and his serious indisposition is attributable to the excessive violence of Liberal stewards at meetings which Captain Gonne has attended on behalf of the women’s cause.

The following correspondence has been sent us for publication by the Women’s Tax Resistance League:—

To the Home Secretary, Home Office, Whitehall, S.W.

Sir, — Will you kindly inform my committee why, having decided to release Captain Gonne, R.A., from Lewes Jail, you discharged him before it was possible for his family to send for him, as they were prepared to do, rather than expose him in his delicate state of health to a cross-country railway journey unaccompanied?

Did you not state in the House of Commons that prisoners were never released without such necessary precautions having been taken? — Faithfully yours,

(Signed) Margaret Parkes.

To the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Treasury-chambers, Whitehall, S.W.

Sir, — Are you aware of the fact that on evening last Captain Gonne, R.A., was arrested at Bognor for non-payment of Imperial taxes and conveyed to Lewes Jail, and that he was released with no reason given at ? Will you kindly supply the committee immediately with answers to the following questions, as we consider that it is most important to know the reason for such apparently unconstitutional procedure?

  1. By whose authority was Captain Gonne arrested and upon what charge?
  2. Is it not usual in such cases to levy distraint upon the premises in respect of which the taxes are due?
  3. By whose authority were orders sent to the Governor of Lewes Jail for Captain Gonne’s release?
  4. If the imprisonment was a just one, for what reason was he released in less than 48 hours?

Awaiting the favour of your reply. Faithfully yours,

(Signed) Margaret Parkes.

Magistrate Compliments a Woman Tax Resister.

Miss A[gnes Edith] Metcalfe, B.Sc., ex-H.M.I., was summoned at Greenwich Police-court on , for non-payment of dog license. In a short speech she said that she refused on conscientious grounds to pay taxes while women had no vote. The magistrate congratulated Miss Metcalfe on the clearness and eloquence with which she made out her case. He regretted that the law must take its course, and imposed a fine of 7s. with 2s. costs, recoverable by distraint. The alternative was one day’s imprisonment. We would like to contrast this with Miss I[sabelle] Stewart’s case which was identical, but her sentence was £2 fine or fourteen days’ imprisonment.

Also from the same issue:

Women’s Tax Resistance League.

Mrs. [Margaret] Kineton Parkes has just returned from Ireland, where successful public meetings were held in Dublin and Cork, and tax resistance resolutions passed. She attended, as delegate for the Women’s Tax Resistance League, the Suffrage Conference held in Dublin, and spoke upon the present position of Women’s Suffrage. She also took part in the public debate with the National League for Opposing Women’s Suffrage, on which occasion the Suffragists won by a large majority.


The Vote

From the issue of The Vote:

Mrs. Gonne Declines a “Doubtful Privilege.”

All Suffragists know the devoted service of Captain Gonne to the cause of justice for women; they will be interested to hear of the plucky fight which Mrs. Gonne is making on behalf of her husband, with regard to his recent tax resistance protest. During his imprisonment, she sent a telegram, giving the facts of the case, to His Majesty the King through his private secretary. A reply informed her that petitions to His Majesty, must be submitted through the Home Secretary. To this, her reply is that she declines “the doubtful privilege” she would rather die first! She asks for a faithful officer, who has nobly borne His Majesty’s Commission, and is “struggling to keep his King’s Honour as untarnished as his own,” the right to present a petition through a military officer approved by His Majesty. She awaits the result. We echo her declaration to the King’s private secretary, that things have come to a pretty pass, when the only use England has for an honest and courageous gentleman is to break his back and fling him into prison. Capt. Gonne’s serious injuries are due to the violence of Liberal stewards in ejecting him from meetings at which he has protested against a Liberal Government’s injustice to women; it is those who are under the sway of Mr. McKenna who discharged him, cripped as he is from Lewes gaol, after a forty-eight hours’ hunger strike, and sent him, in a state of collapse on a two hours’ railway journey involving two changes. Surely the refinement of cruelty and a near approach to tragedy. With Mrs. Gonne we ask of His Majesty: Is the sacrifice of an honoured officer’s life necessary in the denial of justice to women?

Also from the same issue (excerpt):

The Political Outlook.

The passive resistance, or defiance, policy of the League has been successful also in so far as the non-payment of tax and insurance contributions goes. The Government, however, has not taken proceedings against the League in respect of these omissions, and it is strongly doubtful whether it ever will. In so far, therefore, as the final climax is avoided, the policy remains ineffective. Methods of extending and reinforcing this policy must be discussed, and the League must make up its mind to action more drastic and resolute if resistance to the increasing loads of taxation laid on women without their consent is to be rendered sufficiently striking and useful. Insurance inspectors call at Headquarters office, and threatening-looking documents arrive, but the Government plainly avoids the final issue, or is unwilling to give the advertisement of a serious prosecution. If the pace is to be forced, it is from our side that the provocative action must come.


Agnes Edith Metcalf’s Woman’s Effort: a chronicle of British women’s fifty years’ struggle for citizenship also has sections of note on the Housman imprisonment and on the tax resistance front in general:

The Women’s Tax Resistance League

Special mention must be made of one of the many Suffrage Societies which sprang into existence during the decade before the outbreak of war. With the Freedom League originated the idea that in view of the dictum that taxation and representation must go together, a logical protest on the part of voteless women would be to decline to pay Imperial taxes until they should have a share in electing Members of the Imperial Parliament. From onwards, Mrs. [Charlotte] Despard had adopted this form of protest, with notable results. In the following year, some of her goods were seized, but difficulties occurred, as one auctioneer after another refused to have anything to do with selling them. When one was finally found, the sale was attended by a large number of Mrs. Despard’s followers, who succeeded in holding up the proceedings until requested by her to desist. When her piece of plate was at last put up for sale, the bidding was very brisk, and the article was eventually knocked down to a certain Mr. Luxembourg for double its estimated value. This gentleman insisted on returning it to Mrs. Despard, who accepted it on behalf of the Women’s Freedom League, among whose archives, suitably inscribed in memory of the occasion, it holds an honoured place.

In subsequent years, various devices were adopted with the object of compelling Mrs. Despard’s submission. Thus she, for whom prison had no terrors, was threatened with imprisonment in default of payment; she was summoned before the High Court, when, in her absence, judgment was pronounced against her. On only two other occasions, however, was distraint levied.

, a separate society, with the above title, was formed, with Mrs. [Margaret] Kineton Parkes as secretary, for experience showed that a special knowledge of the technicalities of the law was necessary, and special machinery had to be set up. Those who addressed themselves to this business were rewarded by the discovery of curious anomalies and irregularities of the law where women were concerned. Thus, for instance, it was revealed that whereas married women are not personally liable to taxation (the Income Tax Act of never having been brought into line with the Married Women’s Property Acts), nevertheless payment of taxes was illegally exacted of them whenever possible. With the assistance of the expert advice of Mrs. [Ethel] Ayres Purdie and others, many cases of injustice and overcharges were exposed and circumvented, Somerset House officials being mercilessly worried.

Imprisonments for Non-Payment of Taxes

It was in , that the first imprisonments in connection with this particular form of protest took place. Miss [Constance] Andrews of Ipswich was sent to prison for a week for refusing to pay her dog’s tax, and about the same time, Mrs. [Emma] Sproson of Wolverhampton served a similar sentence for the same offence. The latter was, however, rearrested, and sentenced this time to five weeks’ imprisonment, being placed in the Third Division in Stafford Gaol. She thereupon entered on the hunger strike, and on the personal responsibility of the Governor, without instructions from the Home Office, she was transferred to the First Division, where she completed her sentence.

Imprisonments in various parts of the country thereafter took place with some frequency, but whenever possible this extreme course appears to have been avoided, and resisters’ goods were seized and sold by public auction, the officials reserving the right of adopting whichever course they deemed most suitable. By this means, auctioneers’ sale rooms, country market-places, corners of busy thoroughfares, and all manner of unlikely spots, became the scene of protests and demonstrations.

Miss Housman’s Imprisonment

The case which excited the most interest was that of Miss Clemence Housman, sister of the well-known author, who, having stoutly declined to pay the trifling sum of 4s. 6d. (which by dint of writs, High Court Procedure, etc., in due course mounted up to over £6), and not having goods which could be seized, was arrested by the Sheriff’s Officer, and conveyed to Holloway, there to be detained until she paid. A storm of protest arose, meetings being held at Mr. Housman’s residence in Kensington, outside Holloway Gaol, and in Hyde Park on . After a week’s incarceration, Miss Housman, who had been singularly well treated in the First Division, was unconditionally released, and on inquiring of the Solicitor of Inland Revenue how she stood in the matter, she was informed that it was closed by her arrest and subsequent release.

By way of celebrating victories such as these, the League held a John Hampden dinner at the Hotel Cecil in , when some 250 guests assembled and listened to speeches from prominent Suffragists of both sexes, when we may be sure that the moral of the story of John Hampden was duly pointed, and many a modern parallel was quoted. A novel feature of the evening’s proceedings was the appearance of a toast mistress, in the person of Mrs. Arncliffe Sennett.

Mr. Mark Wilks’ Imprisonment

In an incident occurred which illustrated both the anomalous position which married women occupy under the law and also the impossibility of enforcing the law where consent is withheld. Dr. Elisabeth Wilks, being one of those who held with the Liberal dictum that taxation and representation should go together, had for some years past refused to pay her Imperial taxes, and on two occasions a distraint had been executed on her goods, and they had been sold by public auction. Then it struck her that her “privileged” position under the law would afford her protection from further annoyance of this kind, and being a married woman, she referred the officials to her husband. When application was made to the latter for his wife’s income tax return, he told the harassed officials that he did not possess the required information, nor did he know how to procure it. After some delays and negotiations, the Treasury kindly undertook to make the assessment itself, charging Mr. Wilks at the unearned rate, though Mrs. Wilks was well known to be a medical woman, whose income was derived from her practice. After over two years of correspondence and threats of imprisonment, since Mr. Wilks sturdily refused to produce the sum demanded, he was arrested on and conveyed to Brixton Gaol, there to be detained until he paid. Still he remained obdurate, while friends outside busied themselves on his behalf. Protests poured into the Treasury offices, Members of Parliament were inundated with the like, deputations waited on everybody concerned, and public meetings on the subject were held in great number. The result was that, at the end of a fortnight, Mr. Wilks was once more a free man.

Other Tax-Resisters

Legislators had recently provided women with additional reasons for refusing to pay taxes. In the National Insurance Act became the law of the land, and defects in that Act as far as it concerned women, which were pointed out at the time, have become more and more apparent every year that the Act has been in force. Some few modifications were made in their favour, but they had no effective means of expressing their views. Again, by means of a Resolution, which occupied a few hours of discussion on , Members of Parliament voted themselves a salary of £400 a year, and only one member, Mr. Walter McLaren, raised his voice to protest against the fresh injustice which this proposal inflicted on women, who were not only subject to legislation in the framing of which they had no voice, but were further called upon to pay those who thus legislated for them…

The Revenue authorities did not repeat the experiment of arresting any women resisters on whom it was not possible to levy distraint, with the result that the Women’s Tax-Resistance League claimed to have a growing list of members who paid no taxes, and who, in spite of repeated threats of imprisonment, were still at large.

Distraint for non-payment was, however, frequent, with the result that up and down the country, and as far north as Arbroath, the gospel of tax-resistance was carried, and secured many adherents, including members of the enfranchised portion of the community, some of whom, in their official capacities, gave public support to the rebels. Many auctioneers of the better class refused to sell the goods of tax-resisters, and it is on record that one who had done so sent his fee as a donation to the League.

Two members of the League, Mrs. [Isabella] Darent Harrison of St. Leonard’s and Mrs. [Kate] Harvey of Bromley, barricaded themselves in their houses, and succeeded in keeping the officials who came to make the distraint at bay, the former for a period of several weeks, and the latter for a period of no less than eight months. In both cases, an entry was eventually made by force, but much public sympathy was evinced in both cases, and crowded meetings of protest were held in the largest local halls available.

It is interesting to record that on , a statue was unveiled in the market-place of Aylesbury to the memory of John Hampden, who in the time of Charles Ⅰ. had refused the ship money which that monarch had illegally levied on his subjects. The sum involved was the trifling one of 20s., but, rather than pay it, John Hampden suffered himself to be imprisoned. He was subsequently released without a stain upon his character, and a statue to this rebel stands in no less hallowed a spot than the House of Commons, of which assembly he was a Member.

An application on the part of the Women’s Tax-Resistance League of the twentieth century to be officially represented at the unveiling by Lord Rothschild of the statue erected to his memory in Aylesbury was met with a refusal. That the spirit which animated this seventeenth-century fighter was not, however, dead was evident when, at the conclusion of the official ceremony, a little procession of tax-resisters, supported by men sympathizers, approached the statue and silently laid a wreath at its foot…

Tax Resistance

Throughout tax resisters continued to defy the revenue officials, with varying results. Among those who resisted paying their taxes for the first time may be mentioned [Mary Russell] the Duchess of Bedford, Miss Beatrice Harraden, Mrs. Flora Annie Steele, and Miss [Ethel] Sargant, the last-named of whom presided over a section of the British Association later in the year, being the first woman to fill such a position.

Mrs. Harvey successfully withstood another siege in connection with her inhabited house duty, and her goods, when eventually seized, failed to realize the sum required by some £8, for the uproar created in the auction-room by sympathizers was so great that the auctioneer abandoned his task. Mrs. Harvey also refused to take out a licence for her gardener (by name Asquith), or to stamp his Insurance card. For these two offences she was sentenced to two months’ imprisonment, in default of a fine, but was released at the end of one month, in a very weak condition of health, which was in no way attributable to her own “misconduct.”

There were many other cases of resistance to the Insurance Act, it being an open secret that the Freedom League did not insure its employees.

Captain Gonne, who refused to pay his taxes as a protest against the treatment to which women were being subjected, was also arrested, but was released within a few hours, the reason being, so it was claimed, that in arresting him the revenue officials had been guilty of a serious technical blunder.

Several other resisters besides Mrs. Harvey barricaded their houses against the tax collector, and at Hastings the demonstration arranged in connection with the sale of Mrs. Darent Harrison’s goods led to an organized riot, the result being that the local Suffrage Club brought an action against the Corporation for damage done, which they won. Undeterred by warnings that it would be impossible to hold a public meeting in Hastings in support of tax resistance, the League nevertheless determined to do so, and, as a matter of fact, everything passed off in a quiet and orderly manner, Lady Brassey being in the chair. In subsequent years, this policy of open and constitutional rebellion on tax resistance lines has been maintained by Mrs. Darent Harrison.