Have things really gotten that bad? → U.S. citizens aren’t rising to the challenge → public acquiescence / approval / collaboration → bad faith reasoning

A couple of bits of news to report today. First off, in a very timely article, my local paper featured an article about the company I’m quitting. Some excerpts:

Ethical quandry

Ex-activists confront issues of tech and war

As young men in , D— and J— opposed the war in Vietnam and embraced their generation’s critical view of the U.S. military.

But today, the technology they helped develop in has been embraced by the U.S. armed forces and is being used in the military campaign in Iraq.

W—, the company they co-founded in a Berkeley garage in , has provided technology that helps detect chemical weapons, makes communications systems more reliable and even guides U.S. bombs to specific enemy targets.

The journey of these two businessmen underscores the quandary faced by other veterans of anti-war movement who later became Silicon Valley technologists and entrepreneurs and who found themselves having the U.S. military as a key customer.

Their story also points to the Bay Area’s split personality over the war in Iraq: The region is both a center of anti-war protest and the technology mecca that is helping U.S. forces to become a more powerful fighting machine.

That ambivalence over the war is apparent in D— and J—’s views on the current conflict.

D— left W— about four years ago and declined to comment on the company’s current policies and customers, which include U.S. military and space agencies.

But he opposes the invasion of Iraq and has even joined one of the marches to protest the campaign.

“I hope to God this is over very soon,” he said. “Of course, I’m opposed to a senseless war in which people are going to die. We’re alienating the whole world. I think that’s completely wrong.”

J—, now the company’s chairman, declined to state his position on the war, but he offered a more positive view of the U.S. armed forces.

“This war is a catalyst that is shining light on a military that is always strong and present and here for one reason — to keep us safe,” he said in an e-mail.

“The world today is a safer place because of American military capabilities. We’ve seen those capabilities used to end conflict recently in Kosovo, Bosnia, Rwanda, and elsewhere. We owe a debt to our soldiers.”

About 30 years ago, the Vietnam War “colored the perception of a whole generation toward what the military was and what it was doing at that time,” J— said.…

J— and D— were also highly critical of the military as well as passionate about technology.

Like other technology pioneers, they formed W— hoping to make a difference — and they succeeded.

Today, computer systems that he and D— developed — called embedded technology — have helped create safer and more efficient medical equipment, transportation systems, and communication networks.…

But having the military for a customer made many W— executives and employees, particularly former anti-Vietnam War activists, uncomfortable, D— said.

He recalled one employee who took a call from a defense contractor who had a question. The employee said, “I’m sorry. I don’t believe in what you do, and I can’t answer your question,” then hung up.

“All of a sudden, we found ourselves getting orders from these people we had just been protesting,” D— said. “We were always torn between the economic realities and the moral issues. I always wished we were a Ben & Jerry kind of company in an innocuous industry where you can take a moral stand.”

The financial pressures of the tech industry eventually prevailed, and the company did do more business with the defense establishment, D— said.

“To some extent, I won’t deny that there might have been some hypocrisy,” he said. “We had investors and stockholders, and there would be this huge crushing pressure to make the numbers. If part of this was a big sale to a military customer it was almost a ‘Don’t ask, don’t tell’ policy, which was clearly hypocritical.”

The debate over the use of technology in warfare went away temporarily when the Cold War ended and defense spending declined, he said. But it has reemerged since the attacks and the new focus on homeland security and building a stronger military.

Most of W—’s contracts involve nonmilitary projects in automotive, consumer, industrial manufacturing, and other markets, the company said. But J— stressed that with the help of W— technology, the U.S. military can wage war that’s less bloody.

“The fact that the battles of today are about information more than about bigger bombs will make war less destructive to most people,” he said. “It certainly makes it possible and likely that there’s less harm to innocent bystanders. As much as everyone hates war, I think the world is better because our technology exists.”

In his e-mail, J— added: “My father’s generation fought a huge war with massive casualties and disruption. My generation fought a war with carpet bombing, napalm, land mines, and booby traps. Today, we’re able to fight a war with drone aircraft, communications, sensors, and other protective equipment, and precise munitions that damage as small an area as possible.”…

This is a good example of bad justification. I had to justify working for W— too, but I never did it by claiming that by helping the military make technologically more sophisticated weapons, I would “make war less destructive to most people [with] less harm to innocent bystanders.” That’s just nonsense.

People who possess a great technological and firepower advantage over their foes will just be that much more likely to see war as a path to success for their side of the argument. That’s what’s happened in Iraq. If Iraq was on a similar footing to the U.S. in the size and sophistication of its armaments, there would certainly have been much less of a rush to go to war than in the current scenario, in which many in the U.S. government anticipated a cakewalk.

And the idea that these “smart” bombs mean that nowadays we can throw a war without risking civilian casualties is a myth. See this Christian Science Monitor article from :

…In the [] Gulf War, just 3 percent of bombs were precision-guided. That figure jumped to 30 percent in the bombing of Yugoslavia, and to nearly 70 percent during the Afghan air campaign last year. Yet in each case, the ratio of civilian casualties to bombs dropped has grown.…

I always justified my work at W— by saying that the software I was helping to make is a neutral tool, like a hammer. A hammer can be used to build a house, or to bash a kitten’s head. But you don’t expect the person who made the hammer to take responsibility for either the kitten or the house.

The hammer W— makes is used to hammer together internet-capable picture frames, laser printers, car navigation systems, internet infrastructure devices, and home wireless hubs, but also Boeing’s AGM-86B Air Launched Cruise Missile, Raytheon’s Tomahawk Cruise Missile, and the Loral Vought Multiple Launch Rocket System, among others.

So I don’t know how good my justification is. It worked for me. But I’ve read some good (and bad) criticisms of arguments for ethically “neutral” technology. Also, during the telecommunications boom of , the government was only one of our customers, and a pretty minor one. Now that the boom has gone bust and war fever has kicked off in the tech sector, the government, and particularly the military, is a bigger part of W—’s business — so much so that W— is spending more effort crafting its products specifically for military use.

My second bit of news is that there’s a National War Tax Resistance Coordinating Committee conference being held in Santa Rosa . I’m hoping to attend, and I’ll report here on what I learn there.


I’m in one of those moods today. I think I’m going to go home and just get completely tanked — falling-down, sloppy drunk. Then I’m gonna borrow my friends Hummer and drive down to the Farmer’s Market in Santa Lucia, honking my horn the whole way and screaming obscenities out the window. I think I’ll ignore some stop signs, and of course the speed limit is only for people who care. It sounds dangerous, I know, but I promise to do this in a way that minimizes civilian casualties

Of the war in Iraq, Colin Powell tells us that “the United States and our coalition partners will do our utmost to do it quickly and do it in a way that minimizes the loss of civilian life and destruction of property.”

Can someone give this man a sense of shame? If you want to minimize casualties to civilians, you can start by not throwing explosives into the countries they live in.

Have you been keeping track of how many of our “precision” weapons have missed the country of Iraq? So far, I’ve read reports of these sophisticated devices hitting Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and Iran (not to mention the ones that took out a British bomber and a bus full of fleeing Syrians). If you can’t even hit the country you’re aiming at, you sure as hell can’t be confident you’re going to hit the barracks instead of the elementary school.

And of course, even when they hit exactly what they intended to hit, what they intended to hit sometimes turns out to be a civilian bomb shelter or the Chinese embassy.

Here’s another good piece of doubletalk from Powell in today’s news: “[A]fter we have defeated this regime… I think at that point, the Arab public will realize that we came in peace, we came as liberators, not conquerors.”

You heard it here first: the United States military, backed by a “shock and awe” bombing campaign, intending to defeat the Iraqi military, overthrow its government and install another in its place, “came in peace.”


(I sent this to a mailing list I’m on. Someone posted links to the video of U.S. casualties that’s been doing the rounds, and there followed a debate over whether this was appropriate, and whether this sort of footage was good or bad to view or to encourage people to view.)

I’ll lay it on the table: I don’t think that George Bush and his crew value human life to an extent that I consider safe. I think they have grand plans on a large scale for how they want to remake the world, its nations, the stories writ large on history, and so forth. This is, from one point of view, entirely appropriate for people in their position.

But it also means that when they’re deciding whether or not to take an action that might result in, say, civilian casualties in Iraq, their calculations are done at this grand scale, their considerations are along the lines of:

  • will this change the way other civilians react towards our soldiers?
  • will this change the way Arab media report on our actions?
  • will this put additional pressure on regional governments to strengthen their opposition to us?
  • will this do significant damage to a strategically important target?
  • will this strengthen the resolve of Iraqi troops?
  • will this encourage terrorism against U.S. targets elsewhere?

And other good, solid, strategic considerations. For the civilian casualties themselves, and those who love them, and those who witness their dismemberment without having to click on a link to do so, there’s another element to the calculation. To people who believe that the suffering an Iraqi brother feels for the death of an Iraqi brother is of the same sort as the suffering I would feel for the death of my brother, this is an element in our calculation as well.

I don’t think this makes it into the calculation of people who think like George Bush and his crew. I honestly do not think that they value the lives of the people that they are killing as human lives, but only regret their deaths occasionally out of rhetorical necessity or strategic calculation.

I think people whose ambition carry them to the sorts of offices George Bush and his crew occupy, who dash out position papers full of empire and realpolitik, who dream up “shock and awe” and so forth, have for the most part given up this ability.

I think they’ve convinced themselves that they’ve done this for good reasons, reasons that are, when seen from the perspective of The Big Picture, actually better ways of addressing the very concerns I’m accusing them of ignoring. They think that people who include the pain of an anguished Iraqi brother in their calculations are dangerously naïve and sentimental. A nation full of television generals, op-ed writers, and policy-makers are pleased to agree.

I think they’re completely, tragically wrong.

Any justification for loosing the dogs of war that is true and right and good shouldn’t have to leave out the suffering of its victims.

You shouldn’t say that D-Day was justified because of Hitler’s evil and so it doesn’t matter about the people who suffered and died there. You should try to be able to say that D-Day was justified because of Hitler’s evil even considering the suffering and the people who died there.

It does no honor to the people who die in war to hide from how they died or what happened to their corpses afterwards. Better we should learn which one died the worst death and study the details so that we can tell ourselves honestly “this was the cost” and can decide whether we can really say “and it was worth it.”

And of course this criticism can be extended to critics of the war, who had better form a vivid picture of Saddam Hussein’s torture chambers before spouting any jawclap about respecting the sovereignty of his government.

I saw a picture of an Iraqi child covered in burns from one of the bombings. I think that the people who insisted that this child had to suffer in order to liberate Iraq would have gone through a different, more honest mental calculation if instead of deciding this a planet’s-width away from a child they’d never see, they decided it with the flamethrower in their hands and the child in front of them. Maybe they’d decide the same way, but they’d decide knowing the real cost of their decisions.

I think if George Bush had to personally burn, dismember, and crush the victims of his war, he would lose the heart for it. He would beg for excuses to try some other way with even more desperation than he in fact searched for reasons to go to war. The gruesome technology that allows him and people like him to rain death on people from a distance shields them from seeing the consequences of their actions except as results that can fit into a framework preselected to exclude non-abstract considerations of human suffering.

And I think this disease is widespread. And I think one potential cure is the sort of shocking footage we’ve been arguing about. It may or may not end up being effective, but most of the arguments I’ve heard against it sound like symptoms of the disease rather than arguments against the efficacy of the treatment.


Bits & Pieces from around the web:

  • Have you ever been tempted to want to expand the federal government with a new bureaucracy? Lord knows, many people have. But those few libertarian hold-outs may have finally met the ultimate temptation — the anti-agency agency:

    The Government Reorganization and Program Performance Improvement Act of 2005 would create a standing sunset commission, which would review all federal agencies and programs every 10 years and recommend changes. If lawmakers did not vote to continue a program, its funding, not just its authorization, would automatically cease.

    Of course, the commissions (it will take two, apparently) would be full of people appointed by the politicians, so I’d be a fool to expect much good to come out of them, but daydreams are free.
  • Rahul Mahajan at Empire Notes takes a critical look at the U.S. anti-war movement:

    I begin with the observation that criticism of the war has been almost entirely as a fiasco, a failed and reckless venture, and not as a moral failure.…

    In one breath, one mentions torture by U.S. troops, checkpoint killings, the savage destruction of Fallujah, and then in the next one talks about the great bravery and nobility of the troops that did it and of one’s complete support for them. Well, such a complete disjunction between the evil of the enterprise and the nobility of those who carry it out is just untenable. There is no need to paint the American soldiers as any more monstrous than the cogs in other monstrous machines have been. But neither are they any less so.

    More important, the way they have conducted themselves and the way that Iraq has been treated since the regime change doesn’t just reveal something about the Bush administration. It doesn’t just reveal something about the military-industrial complex and corporate CEOs. It reveals something about American culture and about the deeper morality of this country and its people.…

    The Iraq occupation is a mirror in which to look at this country, and so far nobody wants to take a serious look.

  • Zeynep Toufe of Under the Same Sun examines the implications of a recent claim by a U.S. General that “U.S. and Iraqi forces have killed or arrested more than 50,000 Iraqi insurgents in the past seven months.”
  • And here’s a little something for the “harm reduction” advocates. Alcohol prohibition finally ended in in Athens, Tennessee — one of those freakish “dry town” hold-outs in our nation’s noble experiment. Well, when you keep an experiment going that long, you’re bound to pick up a few data points along the way. For instance:

    According to court records, Athens police made one less misdemeanor driving under the influence arrest in than in . The Sheriff’s Department and troopers made 37 fewer DUI arrests last year. That figure includes Athens police’s felony arrests.

    Driving under the influence includes alcohol and drugs.

    The city’s numbers are not staggering, but Athens police Capt. Marty Bruce said he sees an impact.

    On the weekends since Athens went wet, police typically arrest two to three drivers for DUI, Bruce said.

    “Before, it was eight to 10 people,” he said.

    How did legalizing alcohol cut down on drunk driving? The Decatur Daily decided to ask a drunk driver for his opinion:

    Kendall Dowell of Athens, who has four DUIs on his record, making him a felon, said going wet has kept people from driving to Huntsville and Decatur for alcohol.

    “It is much easier for people to get the alcohol here, stay home and stay safe,” Dowell said.

  • More from MANAS:

    In any society of the future worth talking about and working toward, independent moral decision will be the dominant cultural habit — the universal goal and the highest abstract good. So, when it comes to making a living, here and now, the primary task is to build a pattern of endeavor which permits that kind of decision — a pattern which, if and as it is successful, increases the opportunity for that kind of decision.

    In this regard…

    We recall the story [of] an eminent engineer whose professional abilities led him most naturally to municipal employment. This man, who was young in his career at the time of this episode, realized that municipal governments are sometimes corrupt. For him, right livelihood meant foresight in respect to the possibility that he might some day be asked to participate in dishonest practices, under pressure from the city fathers. Confronted by this abstract possibility, he laid plans for a small business of his own, so that he would be economically free, should he feel morally obliged to resign as city engineer. He was a man with a wife, two small children, and a mortgage, which made a steady income of substantial importance. It eventually happened that the small business was the means of preserving this man’s integrity without harm to his family.

    People sometimes tell me that they admire the stand I’ve taken, and “wish” they could do such a thing themselves, but for some financial reason or other, they cannot. Sometimes these reasons are unforeseeable and urgent — more often, they’re ordinary but expensive lifestyle choices. It is a rare person who, like the engineer in the example above, has the foresight to consider moral autonomy an asset worth valuing as such and worth including in financial calculations.