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Rebecca and Her Daughters

Being a History of the Agrarian Disturbances in Wales Known as “The Rebecca Riots”

by the late

Henry Tobit Evans, J.P.

Printed by the Educational Publishing Company, Ltd. Trade Street, Cardiff

Foreword

The editing of this History of the Rebecca Riots, written by my late father, has been to me a very pleasing and at the same time a very sorrowful task; pleasing, inasmuch as I was able to gather together his copious notes, the result of years of research, sorrowful, insomuch that he was not spared to complete the work, for doubtless then the book would have assumed a more polished style.

The arrangement of the notes into chapters has proved difficult. It is with diffidence that I let the MS. go out of my hands, for I am fully conscious of its shortcomings, yet I trust that the book will meet with the approval of those best qualified to judge of its merit and worth.

My subscribers I heartily thank. Many a cheery message have I received from them which has helped me over black days when “Rebecca” was unusually hard to deal with. A kind word goes far — may the critics remember that when they judge.

G. T. E.

Trewylan, Sarnau Henllan, Cardiganshire,


Contents

Introduction
I.Events leading up to 1843
II.Mob Law Commences
III.The Evil Spreads
IV.The Rioters Grow Bolder
V.Rebecca and her Legions at Carmarthen
VI.Rebeccaite Correspondence
VII.Cardigan, Newcastle Emlyn, and Carmarthen
VIII.Rebecca’s Tactics Continued
IX.A Rebeccaite Conference
X.Rebecca at Swansea — Capture of some Rebeccaites
XI.Another Important Conference
XII.Further Riotous Proceedings
XIII.An Address to the Inhabitants of Conwil Caio in the County of Carmarthen and the adjacent Parishes
XIV.A Farmers’ Meeting
XV.Attacks on Private Houses
XVI.“Some Exciting Incidents”
XVII.Destruction of Pontardulais Gate — Capture of Rebecca and other Rioters
XVIII.A Petition to the Queen
XIX.The Law in Motion
XX.Rebecca on the Stage
XXI.Some Threatening Letters
XXII.Rebeccaites at Rhayader
XXIII.A Table of Grievances
XXIV.Becca before the Bar
Appendix A
Appendix B
Appendix C
Chronological Index to Attacks on Gates and Bars

In editing this History of the Rebecca Riots the following books, periodicals, newspapers (among others) for the period have been consulted:

  1. The Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry for South Wales.
  2. The Rebecca Rioter, a novel, by Miss E. A. Dillwyn.
  3. Y Diwygiwr.
  4. Y Gwladgarwr.
  5. Y Bedyddiwr.
  6. Seren Comer.
  7. Yr Haul.
  8. The Welshman.
  9. Gweithiau, “S. R.”
  10. The Red Dragon. Vol. Ⅺ.
  11. The files of the following newspapers:
    1. The Times.
    2. The Standard.
    3. The Cambrian.
    4. The Carmarthen Journal.
    5. The Bristol Mercury.

Introduction

Many interesting and romantic stories are frequently related about “Rebecca” and her “daughters,” but the actual exploits of this renowned band have not, so far as is known, been collected and set down in book-form.

Nothing has been published except the Report of the Commissioners for , a novel called The Rebecca Rioter, a few scattered articles in various publications, and the reports of the riots in the newspapers of the period, to give any idea of the wave of indignation which spread through Wales almost a century ago a wave which rose higher and higher, till it broke at last in open rebellion against the oppression of the Government and the tyranny of those in authority.

What were the “Riots”? What were the causes? And who were “Rebecca” and her “daughters”? are some of the questions which naturally arise in the minds of those who are strangers to the history of this rebellion against the despotism of those times, and whose forebears were not participators in the revolt.

Wales is generally regarded as a very peaceful country, and its people as a peace-loving nation, who prefer to suffer wrong and indignity with meekness and resignation, rather than to boldly retaliate and proclaim their rights in unmistakable manner, and when reading the accounts of these wonderful riots, one is easily persuaded that it is an account of passionate Ireland in the throes of the Land League agitation, rather than of quiet, peaceful Wales.

“Rebecca” and her “daughters,” realising that they had no power to bring about reform by moral suasion and legitimate agitation, resorted to open revolt against their oppressors, and took the law into their own hands. This cannot be glossed over; their action may not be approved of, nevertheless they succeeded in drawing attention to the grievances from which they sought to be rid, and undoubtedly from their point of view and the welfare of their children, the means justified the end.

The riots were but a part of the agrarian disturbances which took place in various parts of the country. In some districts they took the form of the Chartist Riots, while the revolt of the peasants in Wales has become known as the Rebecca Riots. All the disturbances had a common root; they sprang from the same great grievance, but each district had its own particular form of rebellion, just as each district had its own distinctions and characteristics.

It has been well said1 that the Chartists might be roughly divided into three classes — the political Chartists, the social Chartists, and the Chartists of vague discontent, who joined the movement because they were wretched and felt angry. Truly this might be taken as a description of the Rebeccaites. We come across the exploits of the political Rebeccaites, who rebelled against the operation of the Poor Law Amendment Act, the weak administration of Justice by local magistrates, and agitated unceasingly for Free Food. The social Rebeccaites sought to better the lot of the agricultural labourer by sustaining a revolt against the unequal distribution of rent charges, the increase in the amount payable for tithes, and the increasing cost of all necessaries of life; for the excessive tolls exacted from the farmers naturally had their counterpart in the higher cost of all commodities. The grievances of the Rebeccaites of vague discontent were legion, and these malcontents of vague ideas and loose principles tended eventually to lessen the effectiveness of the greater movement, and weakened the case of those leaders who, at great personal sacrifice of life and freedom, willingly placed themselves at the head of a movement which their principles and their convictions forced them to start, and which they honestly believed to be their only method of redressing their grievances. Some people have a hazy idea, due to the gathering mist of passing time, that the Rebecca Riots were merely a nightly gambol of reckless spirits let loose on the countryside, whose sole object was to enjoy themselves in uproarious fashion a boisterous gang going about destroying toll-gates for a pastime, and firing toll-houses for a recreation. This is not so; the Rebeccaites were instigated to their revolt by strong convictions of their grievances, and they were firmly determined to do away with the monster of tyranny, which they regarded as sucking their life blood. The attacks on the toll-gates were undertaken simply because it was a glaring fact forced into their minds every day of their lives that the heavy tolls demanded from them on all goods were the direct cause of the high cost of living in their districts; therefore, though nominally a revolt against the toll-gates, really it was a great movement among the peasantry of South and West Wales for untaxed food and cheaper living. It was thus part of the great epidemic of revolt which swept the country, finding its counterparts in the Chartist Riots in Monmouthshire, the Anti-Corn Law Agitation in England, and the cry of Ireland after the failure of the potato crop. It was the spirit of democracy wearied of its chains and bonds of slavery, crying aloud for freedom and redress.

Of all the counties affected, Glamorganshire alone at that time possessed any paid constabulary, or any force that could be of service. The other counties relied upon the services of pensioners, or special constables sworn in on any particular occasion, therefore when the riots were at their height, they were obliged to have recourse to the military for help to protect property and lives.

Finding that restoring gates, rebuilding houses, and offering large rewards for the apprehension of the rioters failed to produce any satisfactory results, the trustees lost heart, and roads were left free of toll. This was the popular triumph.

Undoubtedly the origin of all this turbulence was the resistance to the payment of turnpike tolls. The farmers complained of the expense of paying these tolls, and when it is recollected that in Carmarthenshire alone there were eleven toll-bars on nineteen miles of road, besides additional bars on the by-roads, it is apparent to everyone that they had good reason for complaint. They also suspected that the proceeds from the tolls were not fairly expended on the roads.

Among the subjects of complaints in the meetings on hillsides, by mountain streams, and at many out-of-the-way places, held for the discussion of grievances, were the following:

  1. Tolls had to be paid every third time of passing.
  2. Mismanagement of funds applicable to turnpike gates.
  3. Amount of payment of tolls.
  4. Illegal demands of certain toll-collectors.
  5. Increase in the amount payable for tithes.
  6. Unequal distribution of rent charges.
  7. Operation of the Poor Law Amendment Act.
  8. Weak administration of justice by local magistrates.
  9. Excessive cost of recovery of small debts.
  10. Multiplication of side-bars by private individuals.
  11. Monoglot Englishmen holding office in Wales.
  12. Increased County Rates.

About this time () and before the introduction of railways, the magistrates in these districts had set themselves to make new roads as well as to widen and improve the gradients of the old ones; to pay the cost of these improvements, they had increased the number of the turnpike gates in such a manner that there was scarcely a town or village that was not approached by a gate.

The turnpike roads were held under separate trusts, and the trustees found it necessary, in order to protect the interest of the tallyholders, to place their gates near the confines of their respective districts, so as to prevent persons from other districts travelling over their roads free of charge.

It therefore frequently happened that persons living and travelling within any given district, were only charged one toll for the use of a considerable length of the road, while those living on the borders, and having occasion to travel out of the district, had frequently to pay at two gates within a comparatively short distance.

There were five different trusts leading into the town of Carmarthen, and any person passing through the town in a particular direction had to pay at three turnpike gates in a distance of three miles.

About the year a turnpike road was made between Pembroke and Carmarthen, with the intention of gaining pedestrians along it between London and Ireland. The promoters of the scheme were, however, disappointed with the result, inasmuch as they left only thirty-two miles of road between Carmarthen and Milford as a road to the mail-coach, which often carried but three or four travellers in the day. Owing to this, not enough money was raised to pay the interest on the capital expended, much less to keep the road in repair.

The trustees had a right to set up toll-gates on lanes, and to throw the costs of the main roads on the parishes, and they exercised that right to the full. The toll on the road amounted to 12s. 6d. for every market cart for thirteen miles. Besides this the people had to repair the roads.

At the instigation of some Englishmen, four additional gates were demanded on parish roads near Whitland, in order to create an increased source of revenue. These toll-gates were accordingly erected, and completed by . They stood at Cefnbralam crossroads, Llanfallteg, Cwmfelinboeth, and Pantycaws near Efailwen.

After they were opened, farmers were compelled to pay heavy taxes on the haulage of lime and culm (the ordinary fuel in Wales), over roads maintained by themselves, and hitherto free. To redress their grievances, the farmers upon finding that their petitions were not receiving desirable consideration, formed a League, and after holding conferences at different places, it was agreed that such tyranny could no longer be tolerated and they decided to remove the oppression.

About six o’clock one evening in the summer of , a large number of farmers, chiefly from the neighbourhood of Efailwen and Llandyssilio, assembled at Whitland, and after exchanging their views on the matter and expressing some threatening epithets in reference to the trustees, they decided to demolish the four toll-gates. A movement was made towards Cwmfelinboeth, accompanied by discordant music and disturbances, and the four gates were that night destroyed without the slightest opposition or interference being made. The rioters were disguised, and had their faces blackened; but they had not then adopted the name “Rebecca.” It was feared that these gates would be re-erected; but through the instrumentality of Mr. Powell of Maesgwynne, better counsel prevailed. It was hoped that the high feeling which prevailed among the farmers against the payment of tolls would gradually cool down, but unfortunately this outbreak was only a forerunner of further agitation and tumults. For a time peace and goodwill appeared to reign, but owing to the number of toll-gates and the amount of toll paid by some farmers, disturbances and agitations again took the field, and for a long time predominated. Eventually the League was revived, and secret meetings were called in West Carmarthenshire and East Pembrokeshire, the most enlightened members of the Society being selected to go about expounding their policy, and to deal with the imposition and injustice of the trustees.

To the neighbourhood of Efailwen must be given the first and foremost place in connection with the formation of the Rebecca Movement, and to the people of that district must be given the credit of providing the movement with a leader. It was decided at Efailwen and Whitland, that the rioters should be clothed in women’s dresses with blackened faces, and fern in their white caps. Their arms were to consist of sticks, pikes, spades, hatchets, old swords, guns, in fact any weapon they could get hold of. The leader, to be called “Rebecca,” was invariably to be mounted and accompanied by a bodyguard. All their doings were to be conducted under the superintendence of “Mother Rebecca,” and all arrangements and commands were to be made and given by her. Many guesses were hazarded on the subject of “Rebecca”; “Rebecca” was elusive, “Rebecca” was unknown. Some2 suggested “she was a disappointed provincial barrister,” others asserted that “she was a political agitator bent on making the abolition of tolls the seventh point in the Chartist programme.” A writer of the period, dealing with this subject very pointedly, remarks: “The supposed sole chief and director of the campaign must have been gifted with ubiquity, for Rebecca was in three of four counties at the same moment.”

“Methinks there be two Richmonds in the field.”

The truth is, that each district had its own Rebecca, who planned the various enterprises, and who was recognised as chief by the rest of the band. Whether the districts worked independently or had a common centre of action is uncertain.

It is intensely interesting to read the letters and the proclamations issued by “Rebecca.” They are written either in colloquial Welsh, with complete unconcern as to grammar and spelling; or in English, which would be a literal rendering of a similar expression in the Welsh language.

Some of these letters are genuine enough in their mistakes of grammar, and orthography; but one is convinced when reading other manifestos and circulars, that they are the work of a person who seeks to hide his identity under a cloak of ignorance. Some of the leaders were unquestionably men of position and learning, for their political knowledge and their legal learning as expressed in the garb of bad Welsh and worse English, proclaim them as men above the ordinary peasant. Their thoughts, though expressed in uncouth terms, betray the political thinker and the social reformer.

In this connection it is interesting to note that Mr. Hugh Williams, a solicitor, residing and practising at St. Clears, and a native of Machynlleth, took a very active part in the Rebecca movement, and did all the legal work for the rioters, also drafting various petitions for them. He was a prominent member of the Chartist movement, acting as their solicitor, and he defended the prisoners at Welshpool Assizes in , for taking part in the Chartist Riots. He rendered similar services to the Rebecca prisoners gratuitously; but was eventually reported to the Lord Chancellor and struck off the Rolls.

He, however, continued to do a considerable amount of legal work, and whenever it became necessary for him to appear in court, he invariably employed Mr. Thomas Davies, solicitor, Carmarthen (who had been articled to him), to appear for him. He was looked upon as one of the ablest and keenest solicitors in the Principality. For many years he lived at St. Clears, but at last removed to Ferryside, where he died.

The first leader, who was present at Efailwen and Whitland, was one of the most important persons in the whole movement, and no apology is needed for a detailed reference to him.

Thomas Rees, alias “Twm Carnabwth,” residing at a place called “Carnabwth,” in the parish of Mynachlogddu, in the county of Pembroke, was, in , made a leader of the Rebecca rioters. He was then about thirty-six years of age, and considerably above middle stature, possessing great muscular power, and was a noted pugilist. He frequently gave ample proof of his powers at fairs or local festivities, where fights and other disturbances so often took place; his services at those places were frequently in requisition to separate the combatants. When Twm was chosen leader, and it was decided that the rioters should wear women’s garments, considerable trouble was experienced in procuring a gown large enough to fit him; several gowns were borrowed, but to no purpose, and it was feared that a new one would have to be made. At last, however, the rioters came across a tall and stout old maid named “Rebecca,” and after undergoing some alterations, her dress was made to fit Thomas Rees tolerably well. From this circumstance the name Rebecca was adopted, and not, as some say, from having taken Genesis ⅹⅹⅳ. 603 as a motto.

It was a curious coincidence that at Efailwen Gate, the toll-keeper’s wife should be known as “Becca,” her full name being Rebecca Davies. Thomas Davies, her husband, was unable to attend to the gate, owing to his vocation (that of a coachman) compelling his frequent absence from home; consequently, that duty fell on his wife’s shoulders. Some people assert that the rioters assumed their “nom de guerre” in derision of her valiant efforts to defend Efailwen Gate from their attack.

Thomas Rees distinguished himself greatly as a leader, and succeeded beyond measure in destroying the toll-gates which were so numerous. He soon established a name for himself in the agitation. Most of the followers wore bet-gowns (the peasant dress of Welsh women), and were frequently called Mary, Jane, or Nelly, after the names of the women whose gowns they wore. “Rebecca” pretended to be the “Mother,” and the others her “daughters”; and they addressed each other as such when attacking the toll-gates.

When more than one attacking party was organised for the same evening, another leader had to be chosen; and he, of course, was styled “Rebecca” for that occasion.

After the Riots were at last put down, Thomas Rees continued his hold over the district in which he lived, and whenever a pugilist visited the place, he was always put up as champion, invariably giving a good account of himself in all the combats in which he took part.

In , a hawker, named Gabriel Davies, twenty-two years of age, who lived at Carmarthen, came to the district. He took up his abode at Pentregalar public-house, which was on the main road between Crymych and Narberth. He was very strong, and his reputation as a pugilist had reached the district long before him. After having been at Pentregalar for several nights, a quarrel arose between him and his landlord, in consequence of which he removed to a public-house called “The Scamber Inn,” situated about a mile nearer Llandyssilio. The landlord of Pentregalar was much annoyed at this, and declared he would have his revenge on him. There also existed considerable feeling in the district as to the superiority of Gabriel and Twm Carnabwth in the pugilistic world. In order to decide which was really entitled to the coveted honour of being champion, it was arranged to bring about a rupture between the two men if possible.

The landlord of Pentregalar Inn was deputed to wait on Twm; the following day he went in search of him, and brought him to his own house, where, after giving him some alcoholic drink, he offered Twm a gallon of beer if he would give Gabriel Davies a sound thrashing. Being thirsty, and believing himself to be the better man, Twm at once accepted the offer, and proceeded to the Scamber Inn. Gabriel was kept in total darkness as to what was going on; though an occasional fight was more delicious to his palate than a good breakfast, yet, as the fighting capabilities of Twm were well known, it was more than probable had the hawker been informed of Twm’s object, he would have beaten a hasty retreat to some secluded spot, so as to obviate the necessity of coming in contact with the Welsh “lion.” Such intimation, however, was not given, and early in the afternoon of that day, Twm Carnabwth entered the Scamber Inn and called for a pint of beer. Gabriel, who happened to be sitting down near the fireplace, wished him “Good afternoon,” and endeavoured to carry on a conversation with him, but Twm’s repulsive demeanour soon made it clear that he was not of the same sociable turn of mind. The latter next tried to pick a quarrel; but Gabriel was too old a bird to be drawn into his net, and instead of retaliating, sang his praises as a leader and a fighter, and wound up with an appeal to drink beer and be happy. Quart after quart was called for by Gabriel, but instead of indulging in it too freely himself, he quietly disposed of his share by pouring it into a corner close by.

Twm on the other hand continued to drink, and instead of exercising the necessary precaution against over-indulgence, imbibed too freely of the beverage, and eventually got intoxicated. When St. Peter’s boy observed the state of his antagonist, he thought that the time had come when he could take a more active part, and at once threw down the gauntlet. A fierce fight ensued, and owing to Twm’s drunken condition, he was soon thrown to the ground, one of his eyes having been gouged out by Gabriel. The combatants were then separated, and the fallen warrior was taken home. He suffered great pain for some time afterwards, and as inflammation set in his life for a time was despaired of. Gradually he recovered, after which he joined the Baptist Church at Bethel Mynachlogddu, where he remained a zealous member till his death. It will therefore be seen that Gabriel Davies, though unwittingly, was the means of converting one sinner from being a terror and a drunkard, to be a decent member of society. After his conversion he became a very genial and benevolent person, highly respected by all his acquaintances.

On , Thomas Rees, at the age of seventy years, was found dead in the garden adjoining his own house. This house was situated on the bank of a tributary to the Cleddau river, at the foot of Prescelly Top, Pembrokeshire. It is supposed that his death was caused by a fit of apoplexy or a stroke while gathering vegetables for dinner. His remains were interred at Bethel burial ground on .

A tombstone was subsequently erected over his grave, and on it is the following inscription:

Er cof am
Thomas Rees, Trial4
Mynachlogddu;
Bu farw
Yn 70 mlwydd oed.

Nid oes neb ond Duw yn gwybod
Beth a ddigwydd mewn diwarnod;
Wrth gyrchu bresych at fy nghinio
Daeth angeu i fy ngardd i’m taro.

Many strange and weird stories are related about the person of Rebecca. People drew largely on the imagination when describing the night attacks of the dreaded lady. Yet the manner of attack and the dress of Rebecca and her Daughters were in the main alike on all occasions.

As to the “form and mode” of attack, the following vivid pen-picture5 is a good description:

The secret was well kept, no sign of the time and place of the meditated descent was allowed to transpire. All was still and undisturbed in the vicinity of the doomed toll-gate, until a wild concert of horns and guns in the dead of night and the clatter of horses’ hoofs, announced to the startled toll-keeper his “occupation gone.” With soldier-like promptitude and decision, the work was commenced; no idle parleying, no irrelevant desire of plunder or revenge divided their attention or embroiled their proceedings. They came to destroy the turnpike and they did it as fast as saws, and pickaxes, and strong arms could accomplish the task.

No elfish troop at their pranks of mischief ever worked so deftly beneath the moonlight; stroke after stroke was plied unceasingly, until in a space which might be reckoned by minutes from the time when the first wild notes of their rebel music had heralded the attack, the stalwart oak posts were sawn asunder at their base, the strong gate was in billets, and the substantial little dwelling, in which not half an hour before the collector and his family were quietly slumbering, had become a shapeless pile of stones or brick-bats at the wayside.

Meantime all the movements of the assailants had been directed by a leader mounted and disguised like his body-guard in female attire, and having like them his face blackened, and shaded by a bonnet or by flowing curls, or other headgear. … Day comes and the face of the country wears its accustomed aspect.

Rebecca and her daughters becoming accustomed to notoriety, and reckless in the face of danger, undertook to redress all wrongs, and put themselves in the role of judges, determining the course of action in connection with many grievances. In the pages following will be found many such instances, some of the most interesting being the care that ’Becca took of bastard children. The following rather gruesome story is a peculiar instance of Rebecca’s interference in order to right a seeming wrong, and to settle a point which for years had given occasion to doubt and misgiving.

In , a parishioner of Trelech, of the name of William Jones, who lived on his own farm, Croes Ifan, of the value of about £80 a year, died and was buried in the parish churchyard. He left a lonely widow behind him. Apparently there was a marriage settlement between them.

William Jones’s brother, thinking that he was the rightful heir, took possession immediately on William’s death, having understood that he was to pay a yearly sum to the widow. Some little time after the burial he asked the widow for all the deeds of the place, when she informed him that she knew nothing about them, and that the last she had seen of them was in a red handkerchief ’neath her husband’s arm shortly before he died. They failed to proceed any further, and things quieted down somewhat. In a short time a rumour passed through the neighbourhood that the deeds were in the coffin, and the hubbub occasioned was great. The brother talked of opening the grave or vault, and demanded from the widow the key of the iron railings which surrounded it; but she refused to give it up. This naturally strengthened the opinion that the deeds were in the coffin; but the brother, having no substantial evidence, gave up the idea of opening the grave.

Not very long after, another rumour arose about the deeds, and in order to settle the uncertainty about their location in the coffin, on , ’Becca and her children resorted to the graveyard of the church of Trelech and Bettws. Rushing towards the grave or vault, they wrenched off the iron railings which surrounded it, opened it, as well as the coffin, and made a thorough search for the deeds; the body was mixed up and the whole place left in the greatest disorder. They disappeared secretly, leaving the grave and coffin open. Having spent some hours in a search for the missing deeds which were not discovered,6 and having done much damage to the body, they evidently made a hurried retreat. It is impossible to find words strong enough to condemn their inhuman actions in disturbing the repose of the dead, and inflicting so grievous a wound on the feelings of the living.

Rebecca after her first successes at Efailwen and Whitland, made the necessary arrangements for attacking Trefechan or Trevaughan near Whitland, on , and without much ceremony demolished the gate. “Nothing succeeds like success,” and ’Becca’s daughters increased in number and power daily. Toll-gates disappeared nightly, but, strange to say, not a single capture was made until the end of May in that year. Persons more unscrupulous than the original malcontents were soon associated with the disturbances, which speedily assumed a serious aspect, culminating in threatening letters, theft, arson, and even murder!

Many of the country gentlemen appealed to the better feelings of the people, but unfortunately without the desired effect.

The story of the attack on Efailwen Gate is typical of other attacks. The gate, which was a wooden one, was cut down with hatchets, saws, and bars, and an attempt was made to burn down the house, but unsuccessfully. The gate-posts were cut down, carried away, and thrown into the river Cleddau. Shortly after, another gate was erected, which was made of wood, plated with iron, so as to prevent its being cut down with hatchets and saws, whilst the posts were made of cast-iron.

An account is given in the history of the demolition of gate after gate, with the doings of Rebecca on each occasion. One of the most serious of the disturbances occurred at Carmarthen on , which culminated in the attack on the Workhouse, where, on the arrival of the soldiery, several of the Rebeccaites were taken prisoners within the Workhouse walls.

We follow them to Cardigan, where they attacked the Rhos Gate on the road leading to Aberayron, on . There were present many of the town people and inhabitants of the vicinity, who were anxious to see Rebecca, because it was believed she was supernatural, and totally unlike others in appearance.

She was accompanied by about two hundred of her daughters, and when approaching the Rhos Gate called out, “Gate! Gate!” There was no one within, for the woman previously in charge had removed her furniture, and had also gone herself to a public-house called the “Victoria Arms.” Being the keeper of both toll-house and public-house, the latter proved to be of valuable service on that occasion.

Rebecca and some of her children had their faces blackened, whilst others had yellow coloured faces. They were dressed in female attire, and among them were both Welsh and English representatives.

The gate and walls were totally demolished in about fifteen minutes; but the house, which was new and very strong, took them an hour to destroy. At the end of that time it looked very much like an old monastery — a little up and a great deal down.

From here, the rioters marched through the main street of the town, shouting, “Powder! Powder!” They proceeded to Rhydyfuwch Gate, which was about three-quarters of a mile from the town on the Newcastle road. They pulled down the gate on the Llangoedmore road, but left the gate on the coach-road unmolested.

They then departed, appearing to be satisfied with the work they had accomplished.

was market day in Cardigan, and every one who drove in was exempted from paying the usual toll, except those who came over the coach-road. The people, looking at things from that point of view, were filled with Rebeccaite enthusiasm. On that day nothing was heard at public-houses but proposals of good health and long life to Rebecca.7

New Inn Gate, situated about half-way between Cardigan and Aberayron, was demolished on . It was put up the following day, and destroyed again the night of , as also were Aberceri and Henhafod, two bars near Newcastle Emlyn. Rebecca had about 250 followers, and expected a contingent of 700 men from Carmarthenshire to join her, but Mr. Hall (afterwards Mr. FitzWilliams) succeeded in dissuading them from coming. On that night, Rebecca again visited Efailwen, and finding the task of demolishing the gate a difficult one, without having the necessary implements at her disposal, sent two of the company to the blacksmith’s shop to demand sledges from the smith, Morris Davies. He at first refused, but upon their threatening to pull down the smithy, he threw the key of his shop out of his window to them. The sledges were then brought out, and the posts and gate smashed to atoms. The rioters then dug under the walls, and the toll-house was completely destroyed.

Subsequently the authorities were informed that sledges from Efailwen smithy had been used, and that a farmer named John Davies, residing at Plas Llangledwen had said something relative to the demand made at the smithy. Enquiries were made with a view to procuring sufficient evidence to justify proceedings being taken against someone for the damage, but the blacksmith and John Davies denied all knowledge of the fact. They were in consequence taken into custody, and lodged in Carmarthen Gaol. There they were kept for three months awaiting their trial, but eventually they were discharged.

On the same date a chain was placed across the road, where the Rhos Toll-gate had formerly stood at Cardigan; but almost before it was completed Rebecca and her daughters with picks, shovels, etc., pulled the posts from the ground, and then disappeared. Other attempts were made to put up the chain, but on each occasion were frustrated.8

On , some soldiers arrived at Cardigan, and of these sixty were despatched to Newcastle Emlyn Workhouse. The remaining sixty were quartered at the Free School, Cardigan; some fifty constables were also brought to Cardigan in addition to the twenty already stationed there. By this time it was dangerous to say anything concerning the riots, and people had to be on their guard. One man in a joke said to a toll-keeper’s wife that Rebecca was again on the road; though he meant nothing, he had to go before the magistrates, and he had considerable difficulty in keeping out of the county gaol.

Talog, near Carmarthen, was the scene of a riot on , while on Pontarllechan Toll-house was destroyed. The house of David Harries, Pantyfenwas, was invaded by ’Becca and her children on .

In spite of the many disturbances and the serious riots that occurred, Rebecca always managed to carry on her work so very quietly that even the neighbours were kept in total ignorance of her movements until her arrival on the scene of action. The attack, on , on Pumpsaint Toll-gate, which stood between Lampeter and Llandovery, showed that Rebecca could be recklessly daring; for it was carried out while the cavalry were fast approaching the place. Yet, it is worthy of note, that during all this period of turmoil and rioting, Rebecca and her daughters were strict Sabbatarians. With one exception, we have no accounts of attacks being made on any form of property, or rebellion against any grievance, taking place on the Lord’s Day.

About , a toll-gate some five miles from Llandovery on the Builth road, was demolished. The toll-keeper stood his ground firmly for some time against the intruders; but at last finding that the better part of valour would be to run, he did so without further ceremony. Eight persons were afterwards taken up on suspicion, and were detained for one night, but were subsequently discharged. During the time these persons were in custody, Bronfelin Toll-gate and house were destroyed and afterwards set on fire.

It was this difficulty in laying hands upon the real perpetrators, that nonplussed the authorities. We read continually of persons being arrested on suspicion, and eventually being set free, because of the great difficulty in bringing home the accusation. On , we find posters being circulated, offering a reward of £500 (!) for the discovery of the ringleader in the riot which had occurred at Pontyberem on . This offer shows that the authorities placed a very high value on the ringleaders; but at the same time it clearly illustrates either the inadequacy or the incompetence of the forces whose particular work was to quell the disturbances, and consequently they announced the bribe of £500, hoping that some treacherous companion might sell the leader to them for a bag of gold.

After a series of serious riots had taken place, among which were a riot on at Coalbrook Llanon; at Llandebie, where the house of Mr. Rees was demolished on the ; and the destroying of Pentrebach Gate on , we notice that Rebecca, becoming increasingly bold and daring, committed arson at Pantycerrig, attacked Dolauhirion Gate on the , Nantgwyn on , and on a place called Pound.

So serious had these constant riots become (for Rebecca was not content now with destroying the toll-gate, but had an increasing love of incendiarism) that detachments of soldiers and London police were drafted into different parts of the country, and during police forces were established for the counties of Carmarthen and Cardigan.

Among the many grievances dealt with by the rioters was the question of free rivers, and on Rebecca and her daughters proceeded towards Castell Maelgwyn, Llechryd, in full force. After removing a salmon weir, they made for the house, Fortunately Mr. Gower, the owner, happened to be in London, attending to his duties as a Director of the Bank of England. When this became known, ’Becca at once ordered her daughters to retire. They left without committing any damage, neither did they hurt anyone at the house.

During this period, all the gates and bars in the Whitland, Tivyside, and Brechfa Trusts were destroyed. Two gates only out of the twenty-one survived in the Three Commotts Trust, whilst between seventy and eighty gates out of about one hundred and twenty were destroyed in Carmarthenshire. Only nine were left standing out of twenty-two in Cardiganshire.

On , the dead body of Thomas Thomas, Pantycerrig, in the parish of Llanfihangel-rhos-y-corn, was found in a river near Brechfa! This man had been very much opposed to the Rebecca movement, and on he had been to Carmarthen to make a complaint to the authorities against some Rebeccaites; on his return home that night he found his house, etc., on fire. Bearing this in mind, together with other circumstantial evidence, it is plain that he had some bitter enemies in the neighbourhood, and it was generally believed that he had been waylaid and murdered. The stream of water where the body was found, was so shallow that his head and right arm could be easily seen. When examined, a deep wound was found on the left temple, and there were other marks on different parts of the body. The deceased had taken out warrants for the arrest of two young men sons of a blacksmith residing at Brechfa for stealing sheep; but as far as it could be ascertained, they had absconded and could not be arrested. Their father, on account of illness, could not leave the house, and being anxious to settle the case, he sent for deceased, who at once obeyed the summons, and proceeded to the blacksmith’s house. He left there early in the evening for his home, but was not seen again till his body was found in the river as already described. Close to the place was a piece of timber placed across the river which might have been intended for a footbridge; but as it was round, it would be almost impossible for anyone to walk over it. In the absence of any conclusive evidence, the Coroner’s Jury returned an open verdict of “Found dead.” The mystery has never been cleared up.

On , the Carmarthenshire Assizes were opened; but as Christmas Day intervened, business was not proceeded with till . On Justice Cresswell Cresswell arrived. The Solicitor-General, Sir Frederick Pollock, appeared for the Crown, and as he was sent down specially to conduct the prosecution, the rioters were much afraid that heavy sentences would be meted out to them. Sir Frederick, however, instead of being severe, as was anticipated, appeared to be most kind and anxious to establish a reconciliation with the country. Owing to the number of prisoners for trial, Special Sessions to try the Rebecca Rioters were appointed for ; but as some of the cases were of considerable importance, they were not all disposed of until before Justice Maule.

“Shoni’ Scubor Fawr” and “Dai y Cantwr” (two notorious leaders of the rioters) were tried and found guilty at these assizes.

Dai y Cantwr was a man of considerable ability, and owing to educational advantages was a good bard. He composed many ballads, and while in gaol under sentence, wrote “A Lament” of which the following is a copy of the first verse:

Drych i fyd wyf i fod,
Collais glod allaswn gael,
Tost yw’r nod dyrnod wael
I’w gafael ddaeth a mi.
Yn fy ie’nctyd drygfyd ddaeth;
Yn lie rhyddid, caethfyd maith,
’Chwanegwyd er fy ngofid.
Alltud wyf ar ddechreu’m taith,
Ca’m danfon o fy ngwlad;
Ty fy Nhad er codiad tirion,
I blith y duon gor
Dros y mor o’m goror gron;
O! ’r fath ddryghin i mi ddaeth,
Alltud hir gyr hyn fi’n gaeth
Dros ugain o flynyddoedd;
Tost yw’r modd cystudd maith.

When Dai’s imprisonment came to an end, he came over to this country, but he only stayed one night at his birthplace, returning to Australia, where he died.

When the Rebecca disturbances started they were confined to a narrow circle, and the newspaper accounts were very meagre in quantity, and very contemptible in tone. It is interesting to notice the development in the attitude of the newspapers as Rebeccaism gained ground. The riots were of such a nature as could not be ignored; they were serious in their results, and they were based on the deep convictions of the perpetrators who thoroughly believed in their cause.

The flame of revolt soon spread abroad, and the circle of action became larger. We find accounts of several disturbances in North Wales which are recorded in the history, and the following account, taken from the Bristol Mercury, shows that Rebeccaism was not confined to Wales alone.

In consequence of an alteration in the line of road leading from Wells through Wedmore to the railway station at Highbridge, several toll-gates have been erected, which appear to have given umbrage to the inhabitants of the localities. In the course of , nightly parties have assembled in great numbers with faces blackened, etc.; and whilst some watched the approaches, others proceeded to demolish the gates with the toll-houses attached: in this manner one in the parish of Mark, and another at Wedmore, have been destroyed.

On , a toll-gate erected a few years since on a new piece of road, between Cheddar and Wedmore, was in a like manner entirely destroyed; and on another in the same neighbourhood shared a similar fate.

Seven individuals implicated in these outrages were committed to prison. It does not appear that any other description of property was at all injured.

With a little training Rebecca would have had a valuable ally in an elephant, which, with his keeper, left Aylesbury on foot for Amersham. When they arrived at the toll-gate of Missenden, the toll-collector closed the gate against Jumbo, as his keeper refused to pay more for him than he would for a horse. The keeper went forward alone, but he had not gone far, when, to the toll-collector’s surprise, the animal quietly took the gate off its hinges, laid it flat on the road, and followed his keeper!

The Welsh grievances had by midsummer of become famous, and aroused the curiosity, the interest, and the sympathy of many people in England. We find one Dr. Bowring in his address to the electors of Bolton, issued in , promising to take up the subject of the Welsh Grievances in Parliament.

At the Royal Amphitheatre, Liverpool, a play called Rebecca and her Daughters was enacted on .

Turning our attention to the riots themselves, we notice that towards the end of the year , they had become most serious, conflicts with the soldiery being of nightly occurrence, and many being taken prisoners. Several were tried before the Special Commission and found guilty, and some of the leaders were sent to penal servitude across the seas.

The question forces itself upon us “Did any material good come out of all this upheaval?” Much misery and tribulation were caused to a large section of the community. Not only were the toll-collectors going in fear of their lives, anxiously waiting their turn, their visitation from the dread Rebecca, but many of the peace-loving inhabitants of the scattered villages went in fear of the rioters, for one and all were commanded to follow the leader, and heavy was the hand that dealt the punishment to those who neglected or refused to answer the call to follow the “Queen” of the rebels.

Yet looking back upon that distant time, now nearly a century gone, we see that most of their grievances have been righted. The Government very wisely appointed a Commission on , to inquire into the condition of things in the Principality, and after a very careful inquiry, and the examination of many witnesses, their report was completed, in which they pointed out the many grievances, making suggestions as to their removal or amelioration.

These were subsequently embodied in the Act of Parliament9 7th and 8th Vict. cap: ⅹⅽⅼ, an Act to consolidate and amend the laws relating to Turnpike Trusts in South Wales, which became law on .

Certain it is that the riots hastened the removal of these grievances. Perhaps they would have disappeared with the progress of the people in education and social advancement, but the riots undoubtedly helped to focus the opinion of the country, and to arrest the attention of the Government to the wrongs and the sufferings of the peasantry of Wales.

“Rebecca” and her children disappeared from the scene as if for ever; but a few old men survived, and a new grievance having sprung up very much after their own hearts, young recruits were not wanting when the enforcement of the law for the protection of salmon by the Board of Conservators made their autumn and winter sport of salmon-spearing a grave offence.10

This gives us an insight into the later Rebeccaism, which made its appearance on the banks of the Wye in .

The common sport of the people had been stopped, and they resented it. They looked upon the rivers and pools as their own peculiar property, and great was their indignation at what they regarded as an interference with their ancient rights and customs.

The people came out nightly to see “Rebecca lighting the water.” Tall, well-set men dressed to the waist in white, with bonnets or handkerchiefs over their heads and their faces disguised, would enter the river. Some carried torches and others spears, all spreading out across the river. The salmon, poor and emaciated, were disturbed by the noise and the light, and, scared, they were helpless while the spearman transfixed them with his weapon. The first one speared would be tossed up on high, and a great shout of triumph, taken up by the watchers on shore, rent the air.

These disturbances took place regularly for many years, getting more serious as the time passed by. The Duke of Beauport had become Chairman of the Board, and set himself the task of putting down this wanton destruction of fish. During twelve riots took place in Radnorshire alone, and the authorities increased the police force by twenty men. This secret organisation of the “later Rebecca” extended over about 150,000 acres, Radnorshire embracing two-thirds and Breconshire the remaining third.

The authorities in this disturbance committed the same grave mistake as they did in the Rebecca Riots, in not realising that the people, rightly or wrongly, believed they had a genuine grievance. The “later Rebeccaite,” as Mr. Green Price puts it, said to himself, “I used to be able to get a fish (salmon) when I liked, could catch him with rod and line, or spear, from the common adjoining the river for miles. Now I am not allowed to look at a salmon, to use a spear is unlawful. My old fishing-ground the commons — has been taken away from me by the Inclosure Acts and has gone to the large landowners.”

We have set forth some of his grievances. Time has shown him that there was cruelty in his action towards the fish, and time also has made him resigned to the action of the great landowner confiscating his land the common — which the peasant rightly regarded as his heritage.

Earlier in the Introduction the question was asked, “Who was Rebecca?” We can now ask, “What was Rebeccaism?”

Rebeccaism was the spirit of revolt, which filled the whole nature of the peasant against the tyranny of the Government, the oppression of the masses by the classes, the fostering of the individual rights at the expense of the community at large. Rebeccaism was the embodiment of the peasants’ anger and righteous indignation at the trampling under foot of his rights and his feelings. Rebeccaism was the spirit of a nation asserting itself against the wrongdoings and evil actions of the few.

Is Rebeccaism dead? Nay, the name may be a forgotten one, but the spirit ever liveth. It is the spirit of democracy crying out against tyranny. To-day it can be heard demanding social reform quite as vehemently, quite as strongly, as did the Rebecca of old demand from the Government of that day, a recognition of its rights and a just treatment of its grievances.

Gwladys Tobit Evans

Trewylan,


  1. Justin McCarthy’s Short History of Our Own Times, p. 18.
  2. James Mason in Leisure Hour, .
  3. “And they blessed Rebekah, and said unto her, Thou art our sister, be thou the mother of thousands of millions, and let thy seed possess the gates of those which hate them.”
  4. Trial was the name of the house in which he lived,
  5. The Red Dragon, Vol. ⅺ.
  6. See Yr Haul, . The Welshman for the same date states the deeds were found.
  7. Seven Gomer, .
  8. The chain is now in the possession of Mr. O. Beynon Evans, Cardigan.
  9. See Appendix A.
  10. “Rebeccaism,” by R. D. Green Price, an article in Nineteenth Century, .

Chapter Ⅰ

Events leading up to

One night about the middle of , a mob set fire to, and destroyed, nearly the whole of the toll-house at a place called Efailwen, near Llandyssilio, in the county of Pembroke. A short time after, handbills appeared on many public doors, stating that a meeting would be held at a certain place (fixing the day), near Llandyssilio aforesaid, to take into consideration the propriety of a toll-gate, etc., at Efailwen.

Information of the meeting having been given to the magistrates of the neighbourhood, with a statement that it was expected that the riotous mob would proceed from the same meeting to Efailwen, to destroy the toll-gate and toll-house there, several special constables were sworn in and sent to Efailwen. About 10.30 p.m. of the day mentioned, a mob of about four hundred men, some dressed in women’s clothes, and others with faces blackened, marched to the toll-gate, huzzaing for Free Laws and toll-gates free to coal pits and lime kilns; and after driving the constables from their stations, and pursuing them to the fields adjoining, they returned to the gate, and demolished it and the house. In the course of three hours the house was taken down to within three feet of the ground, the gate shattered to pieces with large sledge hammers, and the posts of the gate sawn off and carried away.

On , a third riotous mob armed with guns, etc., marched to a toll-gate near St. Clears, Carmarthenshire, and, after firing off several guns, destroyed the gate; and in a short time there was scarcely a vestige of either gate or toll-house to be seen.

In consequence of these acts of violence, a detachment of Her Majesty’s 14th Regiment arrived on at Carmarthen, and thence proceeded to Narberth.

The Summer Assizes opened on , before the Hon. Sir John Gurney Knight, one of the Barons of Exchequer, but there was not a single prisoner for trial either in the Borough or County.

After the destruction of the Efailwen toll-house and gate, a chain was put up, guarded by a body of constables. On , a mob collected in open day, pursuant to public notice on , and a certain number of men dressed in women’s clothes, and headed by a distinguished one under the title of “’Becca,” proceeded towards the spot with blackened faces, and bludgeons on their shoulders. At their savage and frightful appearance, the constables took to their heels, and all effected their escape, with the exception of one who was lame. He, having run about five hundred yards, was overtaken and immediately knocked down and much abused. The rioters were informed of the day and hour of meeting, by placards, of which the following is a specimen, posted and handed about Dissenting Chapels on the Lord’s Day.


Men of Efelwen
Llanboidy!!!—

Let not your feelings, however excited, lead you to blame or injure the native magistrates of your native Country. They have commiserated those feelings. They sympathise with you!!!

Boldly represent to your Sovereign the unparalleled fact that two Sassenachs with scarcely a qualification, and one from a neighbouring isle, have strained your laws to an imprudent tension!

A rara Avis in terris, nigroque simillima Cygno!

An Apostate!! A Fortune Ganger!!!

These support a little Bull in the matter—

Pricilla Top, .

’Becca.

was ushered in by riots at Newport, the leaders being John Frost, Zephaniah Williams and —— Jones. They all received sentence of death on .

On , a large mob assembled at St. Clears, and destroyed the toll-gates on the main Trust at Llanfihangel and Tawe Bridge. The same night also a toll-gate on the Whitland Trust, near the Commercial Inn, was destroyed. The leaders of the mob were disfigured, having painted their faces various colours, wearing horsehair beards and women’s clothes. The depredators had patrols in every direction, to stop all travellers from proceeding on their journey during the time the demolition was going on. The doors of all the houses in the neighbourhood were locked, and the inhabitants confined within, not daring to exhibit a light in their windows; they had had a gentle intimation from the mob to that effect, and from fear of being ill-treated they obeyed the command.

During the day Narberth Fair was held. The mob stopped all the drovers coming from the direction of Carmarthen, and levied a contribution from them, stating that they had destroyed all the toll-gates, and consequently they (the drovers) had no toll to pay.


Chapter Ⅱ

Mob Law Commences

The New Year, , opened with the destruction of Trefechan, Pentre and Maeswholan gates. Rebecca’s power increased daily, and it was an open boast that she had the support of five hundred men faithful and true, in the neighbourhood of Haverfordwest. These men actually believed that they had the right to break the law.

In , a detachment of the Castle Martin Yeomanry, under the command of Captain Bryant and Lieutenant Leach, received orders to proceed from Pembroke to St. Clears, in consequence of the unsettled state of the neighbourhood, caused by Rebecca and her children. They were served with pistols, carbines, and bayonets, each man carrying twenty rounds of ball cartridge. On , the Castle Martin troop of Yeomanry under the command of Captain Henry Leach was also despatched from Pembroke to St. Clears to relieve the one doing duty there in consequence of the disturbances.

Early in the morning of , the renowned lady Rebecca, together with some of her daughters, all disfigured and disguised in women’s clothes, their faces covered, and well mounted, made their appearance at Ganneg Gate, near Kidwelly, which they entirely demolished. The fragments of the gate-posts and toll-board were afterwards found in a river, a short distance from the place. Some of the people living near, asserted that about the time the gate was destroyed, they heard the trampling of a great many horses, but on their approach could not identify any of the parties. This proved that they must have come from a long distance.

The adjourned Quarter Sessions for the county were held in the County Hall, Carmarthen, on . A discussion took place there, with regard to the police pensioners and cavalry at St. Clears, and an order was made to publish in the local papers the Address of the representatives of the parish of St. Clears, etc., to those persons who committed the outrages. It is as follows:

Fellow Countrymen,

This address is signed by us who have met this day at the Blue Boar Inn, St. Clears, as representatives of the several parishes of St. Clears, Llanginning, Llandyssilio, Llanboidy, Llangain, Llanfallteg, Llanddewi, Llanfyrnach, Kilmaenllwyd, Llangludwen, Llanfihangel-Abercowin, Eglwyscummin, Trelech, Laugharne, etc., etc., for the purpose of entreating you to co-operate with us in preventing the future destruction of Llanfihangel, Pwlltrap, and other turnpike-gates, and when we tell you that the late riotous assemblies have already cost the ratepayers of the County of Carmarthen little less that £7,000, we are sure you will render us every assistance to preserve the peace of the county, and to bring the guilty to justice.

Our neighbourhood has hitherto been both peaceable and quiet, and the great many religious privileges which we enjoy ought to be a protection against the unlawful assemblies which have now unfortunately brought upon us both shame and disgrace, and our only hope for redress must be this public appeal to the good sense and Christian feelings of our fellow-countrymen, and while we remind them that the penalty for destroying turnpike-gates is no less than transportation for seven years, we trust that the remembrance of the wickedness and evil consequences of such illegal acts will outweigh any other considerations.

The keeping of the police and military at St. Clears must take money out of our pockets, which none of us can afford or wish to pay, but, as long as the laws are disobeyed, they cannot be removed. Let all the county be united in promoting peace and goodwill, and we shall again be a happy people.

We are perfectly satisfied that the magistrates and higher authorities sympathise with the country, and we are sure that they will, as far as in their power, afford us every relief; but at the same time we are convinced that they will, as in duty bound, support and enforce the laws of the country. Dated at St. Clears this . [Signed by sixty-nine persons.]

A meeting of the magistrates was held at the Blue Boar Inn, St. Clears, on , to take into consideration the best mode of restoring peace in that district. About fifty respectable farmers came forward, and were sworn in as special constables. The Yeomanry left the same evening for head-quarters Pembroke.

The following is a verbatim et literatim copy of a letter1 received by Mr. Bullin, the contractor for certain gates Carmarthenshire:—

Take notice I wish to give you notice espesial to those which has sworm to be constabls in order to grasp Becka and her childrens but i can sure you that it will be hard mater for Bowlins and company to finish the job that they began and that is to kep up the gate at Llanfihangel and weinfach gate. Now take this few lines information for you to mind yourselves, you that had any conection with Bowling Mrs. M,c, Les Mr. Thomas Blue boar all their property in one night shall be conflaration if they will not obey to this notice, and that to send them vagabons away which you are favourable to i always like to be plain in all my engagment is it a reasonable thing that they impose so must on the county only pickin poor labrers and farmers pocets, and you depend that all the gates that are on these small roads shall be destroyed, I am willing for the gates on the Queens Roads to stand it is shamful thing for us Welshmen to have the sons of Hengust have a Dominion over us, do you not remember the long knives, which Hengust hath invented to kill our forefathers and you may depend that you shall receive the same if you will not give up when I shall give you a vicit, and that shall be in a short time and now I would give you an advice to leave the place before i will come for i do determine that i will have my way all throught. As for the constables and the poleesmen Becka and her childrens heeds not more of them than the grashoppers flyin in the sumer. There are others which are marked with Becca, but they shall not be named now, but in cace they will not obey to this notice she shall call about them in a short time faithful to Death, with the county — Rebecka and childrens

There were also sent to Mr. Bullin two woodcuts, one of a man without a head, with a written heading “Receipt for the interest I took in the Matter,” and the other, of several persons marching with clubs, pickaxes, etc., with the heading “Going to visit St. Clears Gate, when we think proper — Dóroma Buchan.”

The inscriptions over the woodcuts were in a better handwriting than the letter, which was written on ruled paper torn out of a memorandum book. It was examined by some of the Carmarthenshire magistrates, and the signature and handwriting were found to correspond with threatening letters sent to other persons. As intimated in the letter, Rebecca did not object to the gates on the Queen’s high road, but destroyed those on roads repaired by the various parishes, upon which the Turnpike Trustees erected gates and demanded tolls. This rendered Rebecca not unpopular amongst some farmers and others, many of whom paid the fine, rather than be sworn in as special constables.

The following night, , a mob of forty or fifty persons destroyed two turnpike-gates at Trefechan, one leading to Lampeter, the other to Tavernspite, both in the county of Pembroke, and at the same time destroyed the turnpike-gate house, which was levelled, the gate-keeper having left it a little time previously for the night. There can be no doubt that the mob came from the English part of Pembrokeshire, as a person who had hidden himself in a garden just by the gate saw them come up the Lampeter road, watched their proceedings, and heard them converse in the English language only. Three of four of them appeared in disguise. The others seemed to be clad in their usual dress. These gates belonged to the Whitland Trust, and were repaired by the parishes, which seems to have been the principal grievance.

A number of persons tumultuously assembled at dawn on , and pulled down the toll-bar erected near the village of Llandarrog; not content with that, they actually set fire to the materials and totally consumed them, together with the toll-box belonging to the said bar. A reward of £50 was offered for the detection of the offenders. , a person had applied to the toll-keeper and offered him five shillings for the passage of a wedding party which was to go that way on the lyth. The toll-collector had refused to accept anything under ten shillings. However, the whole was destroyed as before mentioned, and the wedding party passed free.

Thomas Howells of Llwyndryssi, farmer, and David Howell, miller of Llangain, were examined before the magistrates of St. Clears on , upon a charge of having, in company with others, destroyed Trevaughan Gate on the Whitland Trust. Lewis Griffiths of Penty-park Mill, Pembrokeshire was the principal witness against them. He swore that he saw the prisoners in the act of demolishing the toll-house and gate at Trevaughan. On their committal, his departure was hissed and hooted by a crowd of women and girls who had assembled to witness it.

On , two of Rebecca’s daughters were taken prisoners and imprisoned at Haverfordwest. They appeared to be respectable men.

About this time the following verses were composed, and their popularity can easily be imagined.

Rebecca and Her Daughters

Where is Rebecca? — that daughter of my story!
Where is her dwelling? Oh where is her haunt?
Her name and her exploits will be completed in history
With famed Amazonians or great “John of Gaunt.”
Dwells she mid mountains, almost inaccessible,
Hid in some cavern or grotto secure,
Does she inhabit — this miscreant Jezebel,
Halls of the rich, or the cots of the poor?

With exquisite necklace of hemp we’d bedeck her
Could we but capture the dreadful Rebecca!
Who is Rebecca? She seems hydra-headed
Or Angus-like — more than two eyes at command,
The mother of hundreds — the great unknown dreaded
By peace-loving subjects in Cambria’s land.
Unknown her sex too — they may be discovered
To all our bewildered astonishments soon
To be, Mother Hubbard, who lived in a cupboard,
Great Joan of Arc’s ghost or the man in the moon.
’T would puzzle the brains of a Johnson or Seeker
To make out thy epicene nature — Rebecca!

Who are thy daughters? in parties we meet them,
Which proves them of ages quite fit to come out,
Some Balls it appears were preparing to greet them,
Which soon would have ended of course in a rout.
They are not musicians, though capital dancers,
So puzzled they seem to encounter each bar;
But — Shade of Terpsichore! call for the lancers,
How fastly they’ll step out with matchless éclat;
The wonderful prophet who flourished in Mecca
No heaven could boast like thy daughters, Rebecca!

What are your politics? Some people say for you —
Travelling System you always will aid,
And ’twould appear the far happiest day for you,
Throwing wide open the road to free trade,
You cannot with Whigs take up any position,
If what I assert here is known as a fact;
That you give decided and stern opposition
To all that may hinge on the new Postage Act.
The State is in danger, and nothing can check her
From ruin with politics like yours — Rebecca.

Farewell, Rebecca! cease mischievous planning,
Whoever you might be — Maid, Spirit or Man;
Lest haply your days should be ended by hanging,
And sure you’re averse to that sad New Gate plan.
Oh no! to the drop you may never be carted,
No end so untimely e’er happen to you:
But change, and be honest, and when you’re departed
May have from the Sexton, the Toll that is due.
My muse is at fault — I may pinch and may peck her
But all to no purpose — Good-bye then, Rebecca!

.


  1. Cambrian, .

Chapter Ⅲ

The Evil Spreads

Robeston Wathen Gate, near Narberth, and Canasten Bridge Gate were utterly demolished on by a riotous mob of Rebeccaites. They assembled in considerable numbers on horseback in the neighbourhood of Robeston Wathen, and immediately proceeded to demolish the toll-gate at that place belonging to the Whitland Trust. The old woman who resided in the toll-house, hearing a noise, went to the door and inquired what was the matter. One of the rioters answered, “You had better hold your tongue and stay within doors; if you come out we will murder you.” Having levelled that gate with the ground, they proceeded to the Redstone Gate, also belonging to the Whitland Trust, which shared the same fate as the other. The gang then rode off at a rapid pace.

The rioters threatened that should any harm happen to Howells of Llwyndryssi, and David Howells, then at Haverfordwest Gaol for trial on suspicion of being concerned in these riots, that they would show no mercy to anyone, but would harry the whole country.

A night or two after this, Rebecca and her daughters paid another visit to Narberth, and totally destroyed the two eastern gates at the entrance to the Whitland road. They reached there about 1 a.m., in number from eighty to a hundred, headed by three on horseback in female attire, their horses being covered with white sheets. After the work of destruction had been effectually completed, which occupied them about a quarter of an hour, they marched through part of the town, and then separated, taking different roads and giving off several shots. The night previous they had called at some farm-houses in the neighbourhood, demanding money, drink, etc., which, through fear, in most instances were given to them.

Some of Rebecca’s disciples on assembled at Kidwelly Gate, leading to Carreg mountain, and completely demolished the toll-house. The gate and posts had been destroyed a month or six weeks previously.

six or seven evil-minded persons demolished the Penclawdd Gate in the parish of Conwil, on the turnpike road between the latter village and Newcastle Emlyn. Not content with this outrage, they broke into the toll-house, disguised and armed with guns, threatened the tax-collector and his wife with instant death if they persisted in hurrying out in a state of nudity into the road, and they then proceeded to destroy the house, in which they partially succeeded.

The Spring Assizes opened before Sir W. H. Maule on . Thomas Howells and David Howells were tried at Haverfordwest for being concerned in ’Becca’s disturbances, and both were acquitted.

The Narberth Gate, Plaindealings, and Cott’s Lane Gates were entirely destroyed by a lawless mob on . In a very short space of time the work of demolition was complete, and the perpetrators returned through the town, firing volleys in token of their triumph.

, a second daring and destructive attack was made on Prendergast Toll-gate, near Haverfordwest, by a party of about twenty-four men, some of whom were dressed in smock frocks; they came down in a body from the Fishguard road headed by a tall man in a white mackintosh. The first movement on arriving at the toll-gate was to appoint some of the mob as guards at the doors of the neighbouring cottages to prevent anybody from coming out to interrupt their operations. They advised Phillips, the toll-taker, “to keep in the house if he was not quite tired of his life, because they intended no harm to him.” The captain then gave orders to commence the assault, and the mob went to work in good earnest; they did not desist till they had reduced the gateposts and signboard to splinters. They then told Phillips that they had fixed on that night for doing the job because it was bright moonlight, which would prevent them injuring their hatchets! On leaving they gave a hearty cheer, and carried away with them a portion of one of the posts in token of their triumph.

, Rebecca and a number of her offspring proceeded to Bwlchtrap, near St. Clears, and, after arriving at the gate, the following colloquy took place between the old lady and her youthful progeny. Rebecca, leaning on her staff, hobbled up to the gate, and seemed greatly surprised that her progress along the road should be interrupted.

“Children,” said she, feeling the gate with her staff, “there is something put up here. I cannot go on.”

Daughters. What is it, mother? Nothing should stop your way.

Rebecca. I do not know, children. I am old, and cannot see well.

Daughters. Shall we come on, mother, and move it out of the way?

Rebecca. Stop; let me see (feeling the gate with her staff). It seems like a great gate put across the road to stop your old mother.

Daughters. We will break it, mother. Nothing shall hinder you on your journey.

Rebecca. No; let us see, perhaps it will open (feeling the lock). No, children. It is bolted and locked, and I cannot go on. What is to be done?

Daughters. It must be taken down, mother, because you and your children must pass.

Rebecca. Off with it, then, my dear children. It has no business here.

With that all the “children” set to, and in less than ten minutes there was not a vestige of the gate or posts remaining. This done, the whole party immediately disappeared. The London police were at the Blue Boar Inn at the time, but they had not the least intimation of what was going forward until their services could be of no avail.

The above amiable lady and her dutiful daughters were on at their usual nocturnal malpractices at Bwlchydomen, near Newcastle Emlyn. On this occasion they numbered about fifty, all armed with guns and pistols, besides the tools of destruction they carried with them. In less than a quarter of an hour both the gate and the posts were completely demolished, and a part of the toll-house met with a similar fate. After this the rumour rapidly spread that Rebecca intended very shortly to visit Velindre and Newcastle Emlyn Gates, and that it was her intention to destroy them also.

Rebecca and her children assembled on the night of at Bwlchclawdd Gate, about three miles from Conwil. They completely destroyed the turnpike-gate and toll-house. In consequence of this raid, notices were issued to recover the damage sustained by this destruction from the hundred of Elfed.

Trevaughan Gate was once more entirely demolished on , the toll-house being levelled with the ground, and the stones of the building carried away and thrown into the river at some distance from the gate.

The Llanvihangel Gate was again destroyed by Rebecca about . She had four sentinels with loaded guns placed on the bridge to prevent the police from interfering with her followers, and no doubt had they made their appearance they would have been fired upon. When the gate was destroyed, the Rebeccaites fired off their guns, which alarmed the police, who immediately went in pursuit; but it proved fruitless, for by the time they got to the gate, ’Becca and her children had vanished. Why they should again destroy this gate is a mystery, for no tolls had been demanded there after the previous demolition.

A plantation belonging to Timothy Powell, Esq., of Pencoed (a magistrate active against Rebecca), was fired on , and four acres were burnt. The remaining eighteen acres were saved.

Rebecca, with her respectable family, paid a visit on to the gates in the Llandyssul district. They commenced their work of destruction at Pontweli Gate, then at another gate close by called Troedrhiw-gribyn, the gate and posts of which were entirely destroyed. The band consisted of twenty or thirty, the greater number of whom were dressed in women’s clothes; and what appears very extraordinary is that a great number of the inhabitants of Llandyssul were present, looking on at the work of demolition. ’Becca publicly stated there and then that they had several more gates to pull down, and especially named Newcastle Emlyn.

A week later some daring and intrepid depredators of turnpike-gates paid a visit to the quiet little town of Fishguard, and removed the gates and posts in the western part of the town to a neighbouring field. They were completely smashed into pieces. It is but just to say that the Fishguard Turnpike Trust had not repaired any of the roads in the parishes of Fishguard, Dinas, or Newport, through which the Trust led, but all the business of keeping the roads in repair fell entirely on the parishes. The Act of Parliament for the taking of tolls at those gates had expired several years, so that the levying of tolls at the Fishguard turnpike-gates was a very great imposition, and loudly called for redress.

A meeting of the inhabitants of the hundred of Derllys was held at St. Clears on . Resolutions were passed praying that a rural police be not established, the expense of which would fall heavily on the farmers and ratepayers of that hundred.

The quiet little town of Lampeter was visited about the end of May. The turnpike-gate called the Pound Bar was taken off its hinges and thrown over the bridge into the Teify. Contrary to Rebecca’s usual method, very little noise was made on this occasion sure proof that only a small band was engaged on the work.


Chapter Ⅳ

The Rioters Grow Bolder

The inhabitants of Carmarthen had often read of Rebecca and her doings in different parts of the country, but had not the opportunity of witnessing the depredations committed by this celebrated Welsh outlaw before the end of , when she and her sister Charlotte, together with about three hundred of her children, paid a visit to Water Street Gate in that town.

They commenced their work of destruction about one o’clock in the morning, and completed the whole in about fifteen or twenty minutes. About ten minutes before Rebecca’s arrival the gate-keeper had been out taking toll for a cart, and he had only just returned and laid himself down in his clothes on the bed, when he heard a thundering noise and ran towards the door; but before he could reach it, it was struck in against him, and Rebecca and her sister came into the passage. He saw it would be useless to make any resistance, and said, in order to save himself from being ill-treated, “Oh! ’Becca is here. Go on with your work, you are quite welcome!” Rebecca desired him not to be alarmed, as they would do no injury whatever to him. The gate-keeper begged of them not to destroy the furniture, as it was his own; and his wife and child were in bed, but they might do as they liked with the gate and toll-house. Rebecca went to the door, and ordered her daughters not to touch anything but the gate and the roof of the toll-house, and not to break the ceiling for fear the rain would harm the woman and child in bed. In their hurry, however, to unroof the house, one of them slipped between the rafters, and his foot got through the ceiling. Rebecca expressed her sorrow at the accident, as it might cause inconvenience to the gate-keeper. She and her sister then told the gate-keeper that they had visited Water Street Gate, in consequence of the information laid by David Joshua, keeper of the Glangwili Gate, against a person the previous week; and they would destroy the Water House and Glangwili Gate before , and would take off David Joshua’s head with them.

During the whole of that time the work of destruction was carried on in the most furious manner, with large hatchets and cross-saws; a number of men had taken a ladder, and ascended the roof of the house, which was completely stripped in a very short time.

Before they had commenced breaking the gate, Rebecca had taken the precaution of placing about a dozen of her daughters, with guns in their hands, as sentinels to guard the streets leading into town, and they kept firing incessantly down Water Street, so that it was almost impossible for any person to approach the gate; notwithstanding that, a drunken man, who happened to hear the noise, went up to them and called out, “Hurrah, ’Becca!” They immediately turned him back, saying, “Go about your business, there’s a good fellow. You are not wanted here; we are enough already.” The gate was broken to pieces; the posts were sawn off about fifteen inches from the ground; the lamp and gas-pipe destroyed; all the windows of the toll-house smashed; the toll-board taken down and split; and Rebecca informed the gate-keeper that had it not been for his civility to them, the house would have been entirely taken down. She then called in her sentinels, and they all left together towards Fountain Hall, making the strangest noises imaginable, apparently trying to imitate the squeaking of pigs; and when they came opposite Green Hall, they stopped and fired ten or a dozen shots.

On this occasion Rebecca and her sister were dressed in long loose white gowns with women’s caps and turbans on their heads, and their faces blackened with Richard Rees the blacksmith’s small coal, and they had large swords in their hands. Nearly all the rest were also dressed in women’s clothes, and the greater number of them were armed with guns. Whilst at work they talked only in whispers, and seemed to use some slang language which nobody else could understand; but Rebecca and her sister talked ordinary Welsh with the gate-keeper.

It was later ascertained that the leader was one Michael Bowen, who lived near Carmarthen.

On their way to the gate, they had entered the smithy belonging to Richard Rees, Moelycwan, and had taken two sledge hammers and a pickaxe, which on their return they put back in the same place. Some of them were mounted on horses, and parties were seen at Cwmduad, Bwlchnewydd, and other places on their return.

They behaved remarkably well to the gate-keeper, and frequently desired him and his wife not to be alarmed, as they would not injure them in the least; but at parting Rebecca desired him not to exact tolls at that gate any more. She also asked him if he had received a letter acquainting him of their intended visit, and when he answered in the negative, the visitors seemed rather astonished and said it had been sent, and that he ought to have received it. The gate-keeper had some presentiment that Rebecca would very soon pay him a visit, as, in the course of the previous month, he had observed several suspicious-looking persons lurking about the place, reconnoitering no doubt; he was therefore not at all frightened when he heard the thundering of the hammers on the gate; and when getting up told his wife that ’Becca was there, and desired her not to be alarmed.

In the course of the conversation Rebecca had with the toll-man she told him that many things besides the gates required to be altered in the country, and as the gentlemen in power refused to do it, they would do it themselves; they would not suffer the poor man in the workhouse to be starved, and they would not allow themselves to be starved either.

The people living near the place got up to the windows and attempted to look out; but they were immediately ordered back, and they could distinctly hear the shots whistling as they passed them. The police, too, were at the corner of Water Street, but they dared not venture farther on. (Afterwards they were severely reprimanded by the magistrates for their cowardice, in not making an attempt to put a stop to the lawless proceedings and capture some of the party.)

The borough magistrates met at the Town Hall on , when the gate-keeper and several other persons were examined, and their depositions were forwarded the same evening to Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary.

The following is a copy of a notice, referring to Water Street Gate, which was taken off the door of Bwlchnewydd Meeting House:—

Hyn sydd i hysbysu y bydd i feddiane y sawl a dalo yn Gate Water Street o hyn allan i gael ei llosgy, a’i bewide i gael ei dwyn oddiarnynt yn yr amser ni thybiont. — ’Becca.

(“This is to give notice, that the goods of all persons who will henceforth pay at Water Street Gate will be burned and their lives will be taken from them at a time they will not think — ’Becca.”)

The direct consequence of this notice was that John Harris of Talog, Thomas Thomas, shopkeeper, of the same place, and Samuel Bowen, of Brynchwith, in the parish of Conwil, appeared at the Town Hall, before Edmund Hills Stacey, Esq., Mayor, and W. Morris, Esq., on , to answer the charge of refusing to pay the tolls at Water Street Gate on , the Wednesday after the gate was demolished by Rebecca and her children. The toll-collector proved the case against them, and they were fined 40s. each and 8s. 6d. costs or three months’ imprisonment.

On , a large party of farmers on horseback with their servants and workmen from the neighbourhood of Pantycendy and Talog, in the parish of Abernant, assembled in a field adjoining the Pantycendy racecourse. From thence they proceeded in a body to destroy the walls at the entrance of Trawsmawr Gate, and the plantations which ornamented the same, in revenge of Captain Davies’ endorsing a warrant of the Borough Authorities against John Harris, miller, and Mr. Thomas Thomas, shopkeeper, both of Talog, for non-payment of tolls at Water Street Gate.

To bring the guilty parties to justice was out of the question, as no force at the disposal of the magistrates could put into effect any warrant in the hundred of Elvet at that time.

Warrants of distress were issued against the parties fined for defrauding Water Street Gate as detailed above, and the constables proceeded to execute them early on the morning of . They reached Brynchwith about , where they were informed that Sam Bowen was only a lodger with his father, and had no effects of his own. The constables then went towards Talog; but when on their way there they heard the sound of a horn, and immediately between two and three hundred persons assembled together, with their faces blackened, some dressed in women’s caps, and others with their coats turned so as to be completely disguised — armed with scythes, crowbars and all manner of destructive weapons which they could lay their hands on. After cheering the constables, they defied them to do their duty. The latter had no alternative but to return to town without executing their warrants. The women were seen running in all directions to alarm their neighbours; and some hundreds were concealed behind the hedges, intending to appear if their services were required. The entire district seemed to be aroused, and awaiting the arrival of the constables, who were going to levy on the goods of John Harris of Talog Mill for the amount of the fine and costs imposed upon him by the magistrates. There could not have been less than two hundred persons assembled to resist the execution of process, and vast numbers were flocking from all quarters, in response to the blowing of a horn, the signal of the Rebeccaites to repair thither. Various mounted messengers were scouring the country and sounding the trumpet of alarm. They said openly that it was their determination to pay another levelling visit to the neighbourhood , for the purpose of demolishing the gate. The magistrates met at the Guildhall to decide what steps ought to be taken in consequence of the failure of the constables to execute the warrants of distress against Harris and Thomas of Talog.

They decided to call out the pensioners in the town and neighbourhood, twenty-eight in number, to accompany the civil force, twelve in number, to execute the warrants of distress. For that purpose they left the town about under the direction of David Evans, road surveyor. They proceeded to Talog, where a levy was made on the goods of Harris , which goods were carried away without molestation. Thomas had paid the fine on , as his wife was near her confinement, and he did not wish to have any disturbance about his house. After the levy was made and the force had proceeded about a quarter of a mile on their return to Carmarthen, Thomas of Talog, the person who had paid the fine on , overtook them, and foreseeing the danger which the whole force would be in if they persisted in retaining possession of the goods, pledged his word that the fine and costs would be paid, and the goods were returned to him. Immediately the party was surrounded by a mob of about 400 in number — 105 of whom were armed with firearms — and completely overpowered. They were rigidly searched, and compelled to fire their pistols in the air, and then had to deliver them up to ’Becca and her family, who were all disguised in various dresses. The mob then desired the force to fall into line, and ’Becca inspected them to see if David Rees, constable, and Thomas Evans, police officer, were with them. When she was satisfied that they were not, she said, had they been there, their lives would certainly be taken away. They were then ordered to march to Trawsmawr, the property of Captain Davies of Green Hall, near Carmarthen, who was the county magistrate that endorsed the distress warrants issued by the town magistrates. When they arrived there, Rebecca commanded the constables to break down the wall surrounding the house, which was done. When this act of destruction had been completed, they shook hands with the pensioners, told them to go to their homes, and they would not be molested. They were not so polite to the constables, towards whom they manifested considerable animosity. The arms taken by ’Becca from the constables were returned before she parted company with them.

Penllwynan toll-house and gate were destroyed on , and the following week Bwlchyclawdd Gate, Llandyssul, was completely destroyed. The Rebeccaites also paid a visit to Pembrey Gate.

The Rev. John Hughes, Vicar of Penbryn, Cardiganshire, received the following letter on :

Penyrherber,

.

Yr ydwyf wedi cael achwyniad arnoch gan eich plwyfolion eich bod yn ei gormesu a degwm ac yn awr yr wyf fi yn rhoddi rhybydd i chwi i ddychwelyd beibl y dyn tlawd hwnw a werthsoch yn lie degwm a bod yn foddlon i gymmeryd ganddynt yr un peth ac oeddynt yn dalu o’r blaen gan y rhai sydd heb dalu ar rhai sydd wedi talu’r degwm mawr fel ymaent yn ei alw yr wyf rhoddi rhybydd i chwi i anfon yn ol iddynt y cwbl a dalasant i chwi eleni yn fwy nac oeddynt yn dalu o’r blaen a hyny yn ddioed fel y gallwyf gael gwybod ganddynt dydd yn y Castell Newydd ac os na wnewch fel yr wyf yn gofyn genych nos nesaf byddaf fi a rhyw nifer om plant yn dod i ymweled a chwi efallau 3 neu 4 cant a chofiwch ddodi pob peth yn barod mi doraf ddwy och aelodau un glyn ac un fraich a rhoddaf yr hyn oil sydd genych ar dan a chofiwch peidiwch a thwyllo eich hunan y mae y peth uchod mor wired o gymeryd lie a bod bywyd yn eich corph.

D. S. A. ydyw ddim yn beth arswydys fod gweinidog efenyl fel yr ydych chwi yn galw eich hunan yn ymddwyn mor farbaraidd och! och! och! och!

Rebecca.

The following is a translation:

Penyrherber,

.

I have had a complaint about you from your parishioners that you oppress them with tithes, and now I give you warning to return that poor man’s Bible which you sold in lieu of tithe, and be willing to take from those who have not paid, and those who have paid a big tithe as they call it, I warn you to send back to them all that they have paid this year, more than they paid before, and that without delay so that I shall know from them Friday in Newcastle. If you will not do as I ask you next Monday night I and some of my children will visit you, perhaps three or four hundred and remember to put everything ready. I will break two of your limbs one leg and one arm and I will put all your goods on fire and remember not to deceive yourself the above thing is as certain to take place as there is life in your body. D. S. A. is not the thing awful that a minister of the Gospel as you call yourself behaves in such a barbarous fashion. Alas! Alas! Alas! Alas!

Rebecca.

In consequence of this and other threatening letters, a detachment of soldiers was sent to the Vicar’s residence Troedyrhiw. They caught nobody, however, except an old labourer named Wil, who was employed on the place. He was loitering about one night, when the soldiers triumphantly pounced upon him, and marched him into the kitchen. Wil understood no English and the soldiers knew no Welsh, but fortunately Mr. Hughes entered the kitchen at the critical moment, and Wil was set free.

a little thatched cottage, in which a woman who received tolls at Pontweli Gate near Llandyssul resided, was burnt to the ground, though no fire had been lighted in it since the preceding day. Shortly after the toll-gate at Pontweli, and that at Troedyrhiw Cribin, both near Llandyssul, with the gate-house belonging to the latter, were completely destroyed by a crowd of disguised Rebeccaites. They compelled those persons whom they met to join them in the destructive work, the toll receiver and special constable not excepted.

On , a letter signed by “Eliza,” and dated at Conwil, was delivered by an unknown man to a certain person at Llandyssul. The writer commanded him to summon all the inhabitants of the village to meet the writer at the gate of Llanfihangel-Yeroth. The recipient of the letter, thoroughly alarmed at the consequences threatened should he disobey, hastily sent the Crier to publish the contents of the letter throughout the village. Eliza kept her appointment and passed through Llandyssul with a large party, who were disguised and armed with guns which they discharged at intervals. A great number of the peaceably-disposed inhabitants of Llandyssul, struck with terror at Eliza’s threat, joined Rebecca’s children and marched to the Llanvihangel-Yeroth Gate, a distance of three miles, where all were “compelled to labour hard in the work of destruction, amid the cheers, howlings, and sometimes horrid screeches of Rebecca and her children.” In a short time the gate-posts, etc., were entirely destroyed and carried away by the crowd.

Three gates near Newcastle Emlyn, on the Cardigan side of the river, viz. Adpar, Henafod, and Kerry Gates were pulled down and destroyed on .

Meetings of the Rebeccaites or farmers of the hundred of Elvet took place on , at Trelech, Talog, Blaencoed, and Conwil, when it was proposed and unanimously decided to demand from the Newcastle Trust a debtor and creditor account of the said Trust for the last eighteen years, and if found fair and correct, and the money received from the tolls fairly and honestly laid out on the roads, the gate at Water Street was not to be disturbed; but if unsatisfactory, then the gate was to be immediately demolished. All male inhabitants being householders of the hundred, were to meet , at the “Plough and Harrow,” Newchurch parish, to march in procession to Carmarthen — to defy the Mayor and magistrates, and to destroy the gate on their return. Rich and poor were to be compelled to attend, and in case of illness a substitute must be found. All owners of horses were to ride. All persons absent without a sufficient excuse or substitute were to have their houses and barns destroyed by fire. No disguises in dress or person were to be allowed.

The farmers from each parish had been the previous day to Newcastle to have their demands and grievances put in some order by Mr. Lloyd Hall, a spirited advocate of civil and religious liberty; and the greater number of the Rebeccaites at their various meetings seemed disposed to be guided by his advice. It was proposed at the various places of meeting to pull down and destroy the workhouse. That question was, however, adjourned to their next meeting. The bias on the minds of all present seemed to be to raze it to the ground in .


Chapter Ⅴ

Rebecca and Her Legions at Carmarthen

The magistrates at Carmarthen were naturally much alarmed at the turn events had taken, and after much consultation caused the pensioners and others to be sworn as special constables. All possible means to keep the peace were used.

The rumour now gained currency that Rebecca intended attacking the town on .

, however, passed by without any hostile demonstration “to revenge on their enemies,” as the Rebeccaites put it.

On , the threatened invasion took place. The point on which the rioters were ordered to concentrate their forces before entering the town was the “Plough and Harrow,” at Bwlchnewydd, about two miles away, and in order to ensure a full attendance of her followers, the church doors in the neighbourhood of Elvet were covered with notices in the dead of night, signed by “’Becca,” commanding all males above the age of sixteen and under seventy to appear at the “Plough and Harrow” on under pain of having their houses burnt and their lives sacrificed. The time and place of meeting were also published by word of mouth at most of the Dissenting meeting-houses throughout the hundred, and wherever a disinclination was known to exist on the part of any person to join in the procession and to take part in the intended proceedings, he was privately admonished if he wished to protect his property from the firebrand of the midnight incendiary, and to excuse himself from personal injury, that he had better join the procession — “or else.” This species of intimidation had the effect of drawing together immense numbers to the place of rendezvous. About people coming into town from Pembrokeshire brought news of the reality of the state of affairs, and after some time Captain Evans, of Pantycendy, came to town and informed the magistrates of their proceedings. As a last effort to arrest the men in their projected visit, Captain Evans and John Lloyd Davies, Esq., both influential magistrates for the county, repaired to Bwlch to expostulate with them on the bad policy and danger of the course they were pursuing. They urged them not to imperil the public peace by a procession through Carmarthen, which could not tend to any good result, but to submit, by memorial or petition, a representation of their grievances to those who were competent to redress them, with an assurance that they should receive every consideration to which they were in fairness entitled. These kind and conciliatory suggestions were, however, rejected, and the most violent of the party threatened to murder Mr. Lloyd Davies if he persevered in addressing them. To this he replied he was in their power, that he was unarmed and defenceless, and that they might carry their threat into execution, adding that a man can die but once. This union of energy and firmness subdued the angry feelings which his benevolent exertions had provoked. Captain Evans’s patriotic exertions were equally unavailing to deter them from visiting Carmarthen; neither would they promise that they would not attack the workhouse, nor that they would go into town unarmed. The latter stipulation they observed so far as regards firearms, but they all furnished themselves with cudgels or shillalaghs in lieu. It is said that 150 brought arms to the meeting, but that they were induced to leave them in a house not far from that place until their return. A great many idlers from Carmarthen had gone over to meet them, and now prevailed on them to proceed to town and show their strength. During this time the utmost excitement prevailed in every part of the town. All the shops were closed; business was completely suspended, and the streets were thronged with thousands of spectators waiting anxiously for some information of Rebecca and her proceedings. The police and special constables had received instructions to be in attendance at the Town Hall at eight in the morning, and the Mayor, together with a great number of the county and borough magistrates, soon arrived and held a consultation.

It was determined not to interrupt the procession, should it pass quietly through the town and not commit a breach of the peace.

A little before , the immense throng of Rebeccaites was seen coming by Fountain Hall, and in a few minutes they entered the town through Water Street Gate, preceded by a band of musicians playing popular airs, and men bearing placards with the following inscriptions in large printed letters:—

“CYFIAWNDER
A CHARWYR CYFIAWNDER
YDYM NI OLL.”

(Justice and lovers of Justice are we all.)

“RHYDDID A GWELL LLUNIAETH.”

(Freedom and better food.)

“TOLL RYDD A RHYDDID.”

(Free tolls and Freedom.)

The procession consisted of about 4000 men on foot and nearly 500 on horseback, but numbers of women and young men were among them. There were certainly a few respectable persons to be seen in the procession, but the greater part consisted of a motley crowd of countrymen who appeared to be wholly unable to execute deeds which Rebecca and her children had the credit of performing. Several of the town blackguards had settled themselves comfortably behind the men on horseback, and others were seen leading the procession through the town.

Rebecca, the insolent and, up to this point, triumphant dame, was mounted on horseback and ornamented with a profusion of artificial ringlets, which gave her a very grotesque appearance, and she was well guarded by the most resolute and athletic of her mutinous brood. All carried formidable bludgeons. Although in the procession there was much of the ludicrous that was calculated to excite mirth, yet there was also in the apparent spirit of determination and defiance which animated the multitude, in the principle of secret combination and the midnight influence which had distinguished their lawless career, in the dark thoughts of personal injury and loss of property by fire by which they had established a reign of terror throughout the country, much that was calculated to inspire alarm, and to enforce on the mind the inquiry — in what would all this ultimately end?

When the procession had passed through Upper Water Street, Goose Street, Picton Terrace, round the Monument, down Lammas Street, Dark Street, Blue Street, over the Quay, up Spilman Street, and round St. Peter’s Church, the mob halted in Little Water Street, and seemed to hesitate whether they should proceed direct to the workhouse or go through the town; but eventually they proceeded down King Street and passed the Town Hall, where they gave three hearty cheers. These were lustily responded to by groups of spectators who had by this time completely filled Guildhall Square, so that the Rebeccaites could hardly pass through.

While the procession was passing through the town an old man on horseback, who appeared to be about seventy years of age, kept crying out in a most doleful voice, “B’le mae mam?” (Where is mother?) “Gweloch chwi mam?” (Have you seen mother?) Others were answering him, saying she was on in front, whereupon he would cast an anxious look at Rebecca, saying, “Ah, I see her!” Several persons had horns, which they kept blowing in different parts of the procession.

It was thought when Guildhall Square was reached that a statement of grievances would be laid before the magistrates who were assembled for the purpose of receiving such a statement, or of hearing one or more of the party detail them, as it was currently reported to be their intention. In this, however, the magistrates were disappointed, for having made the circuit of the town, and having convinced themselves of the fallacy of the report that the military sent by the Government to aid the civil force had arrived, they turned on the right through Red Street, and went direct to the Union Workhouse. When they reached that place, they demanded admittance, which was refused, but when the master saw the door on the point of giving way he opened it. Hundreds of Rebecca’s exulting and triumphant daughters immediately entered the workhouse yard, and soon found their way into the house, breaking everything that impeded their progress; whilst the road leading to the building was densely thronged with Rebecca’s followers and the sympathisers who always abound in a populous town.

Mrs. Evans, the matron, was seized in the house by one of the mob, pushed against the wall, and ordered to deliver up the keys of the house, or she would be a dead woman in another instant; the children screaming at the same time, “Oh, dear mistress! Don’t kill our dear mistress!”

The master was attacked by several of the others, two keys were wrenched from his hand, and he was knocked down. Some of the rioters proceeded to the men’s yard, ordered them out of the place, and attempted to enter the bedroom; but they were resolutely opposed, the men saying it was out of their power to better their circumstances. The rioters next ordered the children out of the place, when Mrs. Evans remonstrated with them and said, “Where do you expect the poor children to go? They have no home in the world.” They answered, “We will find them a home,” and all the women and children were turned out into the road, where a poor old woman was very severely hurt. Others of the Rebeccaites had proceeded upstairs into the children’s bedroom (being led by a woman who had lately been discharged from the workhouse), and they immediately commenced throwing the beds, blankets, and pillows out of the windows into the yard; in fact, the whole place was now in their possession. They had forced their way into the Board-room, and were dancing on the tops of the tables and beating them with their staffs in a furious manner; had it not been for the special intervention of Providence the whole place would have been fired or razed to the ground in a very short time.

Mr. James Morse, of the Stamp Office, appearing at that moment, the master entreated him to address the multitude, which he instantly did from one of the bedroom windows, and at some length pointed out the disgrace to the county, and to them, as men, in disturbing the peace that if they had real grievances they should present them by respectful petition to Parliament; that their present unjustifiable conduct would only bring upon them the consequent punishment arising from offending against the law of the land; and that, once the Riot Act was read, their lives would not be safe. He told them that the military were expected, and begged them to go home. This address had a great effect on the most respectable portion of the crowd; they gave him three cheers for his advice, and turned their horses’ heads towards the entrance, when they were met at the gateway and shut in by the 4th Light Dragoons.

The latter had come to the “Ivy Bush,” in Spilman Street, when the magistrates received information of the proceedings of the mob at the workhouse, whereupon Mr. Thomas Charles Morris instantly headed the military and proceeded to the place. On their way up Mr. Morris cried out, “Now, my men, cut and slash away!” Major Parlby instantly shouted, “Not one of you obey any man’s orders but mine!”

When the rioters perceived the dragoons galloping up with drawn swords, a general panic seized the congregated thousands, and they fled in consternation in every direction. The sudden and unexpected approach of the dragoons at top speed, with their bright sabres flashing in the sun, was well calculated to strike terror into the hearts of those who were violating the laws of their country. Seeing that the vengeance of those laws was about to overtake them, those who were fortunate enough to be outside the walls of the workhouse betook themselves to flight with astonishing alacrity, and cut their way through hedges and gardens and over fields of corn towards the country, without once looking back to see what would be the fate of their friends left behind.

The rush of the mounted Rebeccaites up Penlan Hill when the dragoons charged was terrific, and can be compared to nothing but the flight of the French from the plains of Waterloo. “Sauve qui peut!” was the order, or rather disorder of the day. Several horsemen, ignorant of the locality, rode up the road leading to Norton’s Brewery, where they were cooped up in a cul de sac, and in order to extricate themselves were obliged to clear the hedges if their horses were adepts at leaping fences, otherwise they had to abandon them and make their escape on foot. Scores of unclaimed horses without riders, roaming about the fields and roads, afterwards attested the prudential wisdom of their owners and the prevalence of the panic. The mob at first attempted to offer resistance, and some of the gentlemen and constables were rather severely handled, but through the great exertions of the special constables they were soon overpowered, upwards of eighty being taken and placed in confinement in the hall of the workhouse.

As soon as the confusion had ceased, the Mayor, E. H. Stacey, Esq., with the borough and county magistrates, held a meeting on the spot. They sat in the workhouse schoolroom, and the prisoners were brought before them and examined as to their intention in coming into Carmarthen; but they had all the same account to give of themselves, viz. that their houses had been threatened to be burnt and their lives taken. Some of them said that these threats had been published before the churches and meeting-houses on the Sunday previous; and one man said that a notice to that effect had been stuck up on the door of his parish church. Mr. Morris interrupted with the remark: “Oedd dim cywilydd arnoch chwi osod y fath bapur cythraul ar ddrws Ty Dduw?”1 The matron and the schoolmistress of the workhouse were directed to inspect the rioters, in order to identify any of them as those whom they had particularly noticed when the mob entered the place, but the most prominent had succeeded in making good their escape.

Several of the persons brought before the magistrates were identified as those who had molested the constables in the execution of the distress warrants at Talog, and they were committed to gaol, as were also the persons who had assaulted Mr. Hughes, of Glancothi (who had been most active in his efforts to arrest the rioters), and the master of the workhouse when the rioters were captured. There were nine persons captured altogether. Harris, of Talog Mill, was remanded, for further examination, for sending threatening letters, although bail was offered for his appearance to the amount of £500. The remainder, numbering about seventy, entered into recognisances for their appearance at the Assizes, should a bill of indictment be preferred against them. A great number of horses, as well as several hats, a shoemaker’s apron, a hatter’s apron, and an immense number of staffs, some of which were loaded with lead, were left in the yard. Others were genteel walking-sticks, and had evidently belonged to respectable persons. The board which showed the placard was left in the workhouse, but the paper with the inscription was torn away.

The workhouse garden was so trampled by the men and horses that everything it contained was completely destroyed, but the injuries done to the building itself were comparatively trifling. Great injury was also sustained by persons holding lands immediately adjoining, as the Rebeccaites in their flight regarded nothing but their own safety.

When all was over, the soldiers were served with refreshments, and the horses fed, of which food they must have been in extreme need. One of the horses had fallen dead on the road, another died in the workhouse yard from fatigue, and there were several others so knocked up that it took some time to bring them round. The men were also very much fatigued, but performed their duty with alacrity, although with the greatest forbearance. As the work of destruction had commenced before the soldiers arrived at the workhouse, they would have been justified in acting on the offensive without waiting to read the Riot Act; but when they perceived that the Rebeccaites were unarmed, and were expecting no attack, as they immediately fled in all directions, they contented themselves with merely keeping the prisoners within the workhouse walls until the proper authorities should have time to place them under arrest. This was speedily done by the police and special constables on duty. As it was rumoured that the Rebeccaites had gone home for their guns, and would return well armed that evening to make another attack on the workhouse, the authorities thought proper to put a body of special constables to guard the place, and also the several roads leading to the town for that night; but nothing alarming occurred.

Incidents Which Happened During the Attack

When the Rebeccaites, in their attack on the workhouse, saw the dragoons surrounding the place, the terror which prevailed among them was inconceivable, and did not at all accord with the boastings of the lawless heroine in her usual visits. The rabble enclosed within the walls of the workhouse expected nothing but instant death, and one man actually fell flat on his face, where he remained a considerable time, that he might not see the dragoons cutting off his head! Groups of women and boys were seen huddled together, praying fervently for death to relieve them rather than they should fall into the hands of the soldiers and be killed by them.

When the rioters who had been captured at the workhouse were placed in a row, to afford a better means of identification, one of them was so terrified that he asked the person next to him what they were going to do with him. The man addressed, who happened to be a wag, and had seen some service in the Peninsula, answered that they were so placed that the soldiers might kill them all with one shot. The horrified Rebeccaite, with a terrified shriek, jumped out of the line, and it was with the utmost difficulty that he could be again prevailed upon to stand by the side of his companions.

One of the fortunate persons who escaped over the wall made the best use of his legs to reach home; but on the way, when he was nearly out of breath and the terror of the dragoons full in his mind, he heard a tremendous rush through the hedge close to him, and screamed out: “Quarter, quarter! For God’s sake, don’t kill me!” and fell fainting to the ground, thinking that one of the dragoons had followed him. When he ventured to look up, he saw that the unwelcome intruder was a fellow-fugitive on horseback, by this time nearly out of sight.

Many reached home with scarcely a rag on them, having left their clothes in the hedges through which they had to pass.


  1. “Were you not ashamed to put such a devilish paper on the door of God’s House?”

Chapter Ⅵ

Rebeccaite Correspondence

On the eventful day, the history of which is recorded in the foregoing chapter, a notice was sent to the master of the Newcastle Emlyn Workhouse. It read as follows:

Dyhaledd Y Gwaed.

.

Ffel mai byw dy enaid, a byw ninau, os na ddoi di allan, ti du a’r tylodion sydd dan di ofal, gin nesaf, rhydyn yn benderfinol i ddynistrio’r cwbl; ai gwae di gorph tithau oblegid ni a gwmrwm ofal am danat, ffel na chai ddiang! (Gochel!) Nid gellwer rydym bellach.

Rebecca (L.S.)
Miss Brown (L.S.)

To Mr. David Davies,
Master
Workhouse
Newcastle Emlyn.

As thy soul and ours live, if thou comest not out, thou and the poor that are in thy care, before , we are determined to destroy everything; and woe to thy own body, for we will take care that thou shalt not flee! (Beware!) We trifle no longer.

Rebecca (L.S.)
Miss Brown (L.S.)”

The Vicar of Llangranog, Cardiganshire, also received a threatening letter . It must be explained that the latter had made himself most unpopular by collecting subscriptions, from “all and sundry” persons, towards a free school, without informing Dissenters of his intention to convert it into a place of worship. The letter was in Welsh and read as follows:

.

Barchedig Syr,

Bum i ac un o’m merched ar daith yn ddiweddar i Aberaeron ac ymysg pethau ereill clywais lawer am danoch chwi chwi, sef eich bod wedi codi ysgoldy yn rhan uchaf y plwyf, a’ch bod wedi bod yn anonest iawn ynglyn a’r adeiladu, a’ch bod wedi ei ddarlunio fel ysgol rydd i’r bobl, a’ch bod wedi ei droi’n eglwys, a’ch bod yn cael £80 yn y flwyddyn am wasanaeth ynddo.

Yn awr, os yw hyn yn wir, rhaid i chwi roi’r arian yn ol pob dimau, onide dof ft a rhyw 500 new 600 o’m merched i ymweled a chwi, a dinistriaf eich eiddo bum gwaith drosodd, a gwnaf chwi’n destyn gwawd a gwaradwydd yr holl gymdogaeth.

Gwyddoch nad wyf yn malio am y toll-byrth a byddwch chwithau yr un modd a hwy’n union, oherwydd yr wyf yn erbyn gormes.

Yr eiddoch

Rebecca a’i merched.

.

Reverend Sir,

I, with one of my daughters, have recently been on a journey to Aberayron, and amongst other things have heard many things respecting you, namely, that you have built a schoolroom in the upper part of the parish, and that you have been very dishonest in the erection of it, and that you promised a free school for the people, but that you have converted it into a church, and that you get £80 by the year for serving it. Now, if this is true, you may give the money back, every halfpenny of it, otherwise if you do not, I with 500 or 600 of my daughters will come and visit you, and destroy your property five times to the value of it, and make you a subject of scorn and reproach throughout the whole neighbourhood. You know that I care nothing about the gates, and you shall be like them exactly, because I am averse to every tyranny and oppression.

Rebecca and her daughters.

Rebecca and a great number of her daughters assembled at Mydrim, Carmarthenshire, about and stopped there some hours. They were nearly all dressed in women’s clothes, and Rebecca was on horseback elegantly attired. Having called at “The Wheaten Sheaf,” where they cleared the cellars of all the beer and porter, about they departed for St. Clears. They went to several gentlemen demanding money, saying that they could not carry on their work without having something to eat and drink. More Rebeccaites assembled from all parts of that district at St. Clears, most of them armed with guns and other destructive weapons, and the whole party immediately levelled to the ground the gates leading to St. Clears from both ends.

Mr. Thomas of Clynarthen, having refused to join them, had his wheat-field entirely destroyed before morning, by their turning cattle from the mountain into it that night.

The following address by Mr. Lloyd Hall (see chapter ⅳ) to Rebecca and her daughters, shows that the lady was by no means modest in her demands:

Welshmen, You have sent me a letter commanding me to appear on at Blaennant Lane, armed and disguised. That your object is to obtain redress for some of the grievances with which you are oppressed is evident. But this is not the way to obtain such redress. I have been, as you know, labouring for years to gain you the rights of free men, and now that I begin to see the possibility of doing some good for you, you step in and by your violence and folly hinder me in the good work; and instead of hastening the time when all your grievances will be at an end, your nonsensical extravagance gives an excuse to your oppressors for refusing to listen to your complaints; and the redress you seek is farther off than ever. Get one grievance redressed at a time. The magistrates and Trustees of the Newcastle and Carmarthen Trust have appointed instant to overhaul the grievances connected with that Trust. I have been retained on the part of the men of the Hundred of Upper Elvet to represent their interests at such meeting. Do you think I will neglect my duty? Do you think it is likely I should flinch from insisting on justice being done to the people? Or do you think that I am ignorant of the means of screwing it out from the Trustees let them be as reluctant as they will? They have not been accustomed to be brought authoritatively to account. Like young colts not broken, they must be treated at first both gently and firmly. Do you think I can countenance or join your riotous proceedings? I tell you No. And what is more, though I have fought, am fighting, and will continue to fight your battles, until I can obtain perfect justice and political regeneration for you and your children, I am and will always be the first man to keep the Queen’s peace and prevent anything like rioting or disturbance. Enough has been done already to convince the Government of the great and universal discontent which your grievances have caused among you. They have sent down soldiers to keep the peace. I therefore entreat you not to meet together on . I have written for the soldiers to come here and prevent your doing mischief if you should. Why will you hinder me from fighting your battles in the only way in which we can be successful, and by your violence and absurdity, which can do no good, turn me from a friend to an enemy? Your conduct is childish and absurd and not like men who have great objects to attain. Why will you exhibit folly when wisdom is required? The penalty for pulling down a Turnpike-house is Transportation for life. What good can you get by running such a risk, when you may attain everything you ought to have, in a peaceable and quiet manner, without running any danger whatever? I can only attribute it to your ignorance, which prevents you from being able to guide in its proper course the great and irresistible force which you possess. A hundredth part of your strength properly applied, will do more for you, and without risk, than a thousand times your power wasted in the absurdities you have lately indulged in. Be guided by me. Do what I tell you and you must be victorious in the end. Go each one to your own homes on , peaceably and quietly. On let each Parish choose two Delegates to come to me (as the Parishes in the Hundred of Upper Elvet have done) to make me acquainted with your grievances and then follow implicitly the advice I shall give them. If you do, peace and prosperity will be sure to return to you. If you do not, I shall leave you to enjoy the results of your ignorance and folly.

Edw. A. Lloyd Hall
(Barrister-at-Law).

Emlyn Cottage,
Newcastle Emlyn,
.

About , two commercial gentlemen were stopped on the bridge at Newcastle Emlyn by Rebecca and her daughters. They had heard shots fired at intervals for about three miles, and on arriving at the bridge they were surrounded by several hundreds, whom they described as being all dressed in women’s clothes, with their faces blackened, and armed with staves and firearms. The leader came up to them, and entered into conversation, relating the grievances of Rebecca and her children. In order to get out of their hands, the gentlemen thought it prudent to give her some silver; she gave the word of command and they were immediately suffered to pass, and indeed conducted to their inns amid the cheers of the Rebeccaites.

Soon after this Rebecca broke down several gates in the neighbourhood, viz. Pontyberem Bar, Castellrhingyll Gate, Pontnewydd Bar, and a great many more in different parts of the country.

A distress for rent was levied on the goods of a man named Lloyd, living at the Albion Inn, Llanstephan, and a bailiff of the name of Rees kept possession of the goods. Previous to the day of sale, Rebecca and a great number of her daughters paid him a visit, horsewhipped him well, and kept him in safe custody until the furniture was entirely cleared from the house. When Rees was freed, he found nothing but an empty house, Rebecca and her followers having departed.


Chapter Ⅶ

Cardigan, Newcastle Emlyn, and Carmarthen

The inhabitants of Cardigan were greatly alarmed on by Rebecca and her daughters paying a visit to the Pensarne (Rhos) Turnpike-gate, on the Aberystwyth Road, and the Rhydyfuwch Upper Gate, on the Llangoedmore Road.1

About a party of about 150 persons was seen coming down Cardigan Common, preceded by half a dozen horsemen exceedingly well mounted, the rest being on foot; the horses were on the full gallop, and those on foot running after them at a rapid pace. They were all disguised, having their faces blackened, and some wore women’s clothes, others smocks, etc. They carried with them guns, swords, scythes, pitchforks, and other weapons of destruction, intended, no doubt, for self-defence, in the event of their being attacked. Immediately on their arrival at the Pensarne Gate (built about two years previous at a cost of £100) the work of demolition began; the sounds of saws and hatchets were distinctly heard, and several shots were fired, followed by tremendous shouting.

The gate and the hedge soon disappeared, but the toll-house being newly and strongly built, the roof and the walls being of the best materials as to stone and mortar, it appeared that it was a difficult task for them to destroy it. However, after considerable exertions, down it came nearly to its foundations.

The rabble then came down through the centre of the town to the Cross, turned down St. Mary Street over Pontycleivion Bridge (Pantylleifion) to Rhydyfuwch Gate, which with the walls thereto attached, being old, immediately vanished. One of the leaders went to the toll-house, kept by a widow, who remonstrated with him, and expressed a hope that none of her furniture would be damaged or injured. ’Becca replied, “Be not alarmed, shut your door upon you; your house and furniture will not be touched; we only want the gate and walls.” After finishing the work, the horsemen galloped away, and the rest dispersed.

It is said that ’Becca herself was not present upon this occasion, but that her daughter “Nelly” was in command.

The magistrates of Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire held an important meeting at the “Salutation Inn,” Newcastle Emlyn, on . It was understood that delegates from several parishes within the Turnpike Trust of Newcastle Emlyn would attend, and large bodies of the farmers and peasantry were congregated in the town. At the delegates were introduced into the room, and the Hon. Col. Trevor took the chair. In the course of his speech he read what the magistrates were willing to do:—

We are willing that every grievance that can be proved to exist, and which can be remedied, should be removed, either in the administration of the funds of the Trust, or by the erection of new gates, or by increase of tolls. For that purpose we will name a committee of trustees and tallyholders to go into all the accounts of the Trust; and at that committee Mr. Hall shall attend, if he wishes it, on your behalf. If any point of law should arise, counsel’s opinion shall be taken, by which the trustees must abide until set aside by the decision of a court of law.

The magistrates have had a force of troops put at their disposal by the Government, and though they are willing to redress all that is amiss they cannot give way to force, and must put down all disturbances, the Government being ready to increase the number of troops if necessary.

After a number of speeches, a committee was formed, for what purpose the following address, issued immediately after the meeting, will show:—

Welshmen, — The trustees of the Carmarthen and Turnpike Trust have met here to-day, and have appointed a committee consisting of John Beynon, Esq., Adpar Hill, Newcastle Emlyn; John Davies, Esq., Guildhall Square, Carmarthen; Capt. Evans, Pantycendy; Rev. Benjamin Lewis, Dyffryn; Thomas Lloyd, Esq., Bronwydd; Rees Goring Thomas, Esq., Llysnewydd; Lewis Morris, Esq., Carmarthen; Edward A. Lloyd Hall, Esq., Emlyn Cottage; to examine and audit the accounts of the Trust, and to report all other grievances connected with the Trust, and to point out the remedy for them. We meet here next Friday morning, because the Quarter Sessions prevents our meeting before then. The tally holders present have agreed to reduce the interest on their debts to 3½ per cent.

Welshmen, — Here is a glorious beginning! The magistrates have all pledged themselves to see justice done to you. Chwareu teg i bob un. I entreat of you to wait patiently until you see what I can do for you with other Trusts. But I cannot do two things. Give me fair play, or I may not be able to get justice done for you. One grievance at a time. But mind this: if these riotous proceedings continue, I will have nothing to do with you. If you want fair play, give fair play. There is no wrong without a remedy; but if you take the wrong physic for your disease, how can you expect to be cured? Give the medicine I have prescribed fair play, and it will work in time. If you stop it by doing anything contrary to law, you will make your case incurable, and I shall wash my hands of the business.

Edward A. Lloyd Hall.

Emlyn Cottage,
.

The large assemblage outside was addressed in Welsh, and informed of the result of the meeting. On being asked by a private individual if the meeting had satisfied them, a person in the crowd replied that it was not satisfactory, and that “Rebecca would go on as usual.” Another man in the crowd, addressing the magistrates in Welsh, said he was an overseer, and that as such he was obliged to levy the poor-rate on persons who were so poor that they had scarcely a blanket.

Carmarthen was thrown into great excitement about by the sudden departure of the dragoons through Priory Street. Various were the conjectures as to the place of their destination, some asserting that Rebecca and her children were demolishing Glangwili Gate, others that it was Abergwili Gate that was attacked. It eventually turned out that they had been ordered to guard Glangwili House, the residence of J. Lloyd Price, Esq., who had cause to fear an attack from Rebecca. They remained there until , when they returned to town. The dragoons left Carmarthen for Newcastle Emlyn on , as news had arrived that Rebecca and her children intended to have a grand procession on through the town to the workhouse, according to the threats previously made.

On a detachment, consisting of 120 of the Royal Marines, under Major Whylock, left Pembroke Arsenal in the Confiance steamer for Cardigan, to be placed under the command of Colonel Love, Commandant of the district.

Two troops of Castle Martin Yeomanry Cavalry, under the command of Captains Leach and Mansel, were dispatched from Pembroke, the one to Newcastle Emlyn, the other to St. Clears for a similar purpose.

A great number of Rebeccaites attended at Scleddy Turnpike-gate, within three miles of Fishguard, on , and in a very short time broke the gates, posts, walls, and toll-boards into pieces so small that in the morning there was not a piece of the timber larger than would make matches, and those long enough to be dipped at one end only!

The dragoons returned to Carmarthen on the same day, no demonstration having taken place at Newcastle Emlyn.

About , Rebecca, with a numerous gang of her children, paid a visit to Penygarn Gate, near Llanegwad. They demolished the gate in a short time, stripped the roof of the toll-house, and left the walls in a tottering condition. They then fired off fifteen volleys, and immediately dispersed in various directions. They were all well armed, and disguised in women’s clothes.

Newcastle Emlyn Gate was destroyed next, and on this occasion Mr. Benjamin Evans (father of the late Allen Raine and a prominent solicitor of the town) was forced to be present.

He was staying at Llangranog when he received a letter, signed “Rebecca,” demanding that he should meet her ladyship and friends at Penwalk, about a mile from the town. If he failed to do so his house and office were to be set on fire.

This threat was too serious to be treated lightly, so Mr. Evans met the Rebeccaites at the appointed place Their faces were blackened, but an old servant’s voice was recognised, upon which Mr. Evans asked if it was he (mentioning his name). He received the curt reply “that no names were to be mentioned while in their company.”

They marched in a body to the town, breaking down the toll-gate on their way. The march was continued, a man leading Mr. Evans by the arm through the one long street the town contained, the rioters shouting to all occupiers of houses to put out their lights if they wished to avoid being shot.

A certain Mr. Titus Thomas declined to put out his candles, but a shot through the window convinced him that Rebecca would not be trifled with.

Mr. Evans was not molested in any way, but was told afterwards that he was made to join, so that if any proceedings were subsequently taken, he as local solicitor might be made a party to them.

On , an address was issued by W.E. Powell, Lord-Lieutenant of Cardiganshire, to the Rebeccaites, deprecating the present state of affairs, and inviting them to lay their complaints before the magistrates at the petty sessions for legal redress; if no relief were forthcoming that way, he stated he would join with them in petitioning the legislature to remove all their real grievances.

Hugh Owen, Vice-Lieutenant of Pembrokeshire, on behalf of the magistrates, issued an address, reminding the Rebeccaites that the roads must be maintained either by tolls or rates, or a combination of both, and invited all classes to assist in maintaining the law, and preserving peace and good order.

The following day the Hon. George Rice Trevor, Vice-Lieutenant of the County of Carmarthen, issued an address as follows:—

To the inhabitants of the County of Carmarthen.

I feel called upon at this moment, when so much of illegal and unanswerable outrage has been committed in some parts of the county, to call your attention to the evil consequences such proceedings are calculated to bring on all those concerned in them. The assemblies that have taken place for the purposes of violence, under the pretence of redressing grievances, are illegal, and though up to this time many of those who are concerned in them have escaped detection, they may be assured that, sooner or later, the law will be too strong for them, and will make its powers felt.

I would also warn you that most serious consequences must follow the assembling of multitudes together, armed and disguised, particularly at night, and that parties so offending will become liable to the infliction of most severe and heavy punishment. For the purpose of restoring order and preventing tumult, there is a large force at my disposal. I am naturally averse to employ it against my fellow-countrymen; but I beg of you to believe me that if it be necessary I shall not hesitate one moment to do so. My duty as Vice-Lieutenant requires this, for I cannot allow the peaceable and well-disposed to be kept in continual terror from lawless violence. At the same time, I invite all who have any cause of complaint and can prove the justice of their cases, to resort to any lawful means of making their grievances known which the Constitution affords.

Lastly, I call upon all such as are willing to support the law to rally round the magistrates, and freely to come forward and offer their services, each in his own neighbourhood, for the maintenance of order and tranquillity, and wipe out the disgrace which their most unlawful and most dangerous proceedings have brought upon the county, hitherto one of the most quiet and orderly in the Principality.

George Rice Trevor.
(Vice-Lieutenant of the County of Carmarthen.)

The same night, Gurrey-fach Gate, near Llandilo, was completely demolished, and the noise of the rioters was distinctly heard in the town of Llandilo; but no one dared go out to prevent the outrageous proceedings. Several other gates and bars were destroyed in the country the same week.

Rebecca and about five hundred of her children also paid a visit to Narberth on the same day, but having learned (probably from some friend in the town) that a troop of the Castle Martin Yeomanry Cavalry, under the command of Major Bowling, had previously arrived and were quartered in the workhouse, they immediately retreated with the utmost precipitation.

The following account appeared in the Standard of . It is a tissue of falsehood:—

Riots in South Wales

Carmarthen, .

Never was this part of South Wales in such a disturbed state as at the present moment, when Rebecca and her daughters are demolishing the gates of the county, injuring private property, and threatening the immediate destruction of all the workhouses throughout the land.

Carmarthen was the scene of action on when the Rebeccaites to the number of 10,000 or 12,000 endeavoured to take possession of the town, armed with bludgeons, pitchforks, and scythes, with banners bearing the following inscriptions: ‘Death or Glory,’ ‘Blood and Revenge,’ ‘Bread for the Hungry,’ etc. The procession reached from one end of the town to the other.

They latterly arrived at the Union Workhouse, where they forced an entrance, and had commenced upon the work of levelling the building to the ground, when providentially a detachment of the 4th Light Dragoons arrived, and dispersed the mob in all directions, with the exception of about 500, who were taken prisoners, and afterwards committed to take their trials at the next assizes. The town throughout the week has been quiet and peaceable, but on , orders were given for the immediate departure of the dragoons for Newcastle Emlyn where the rioters had assembled, with their numbers augmented to 15,000 or 20,000. The mob was so well armed and ready for action that the dragoons could not enter the town until , and the conflict that took place on Newcastle Emlyn Bridge is beyond description. The soldiers were thrown off their horses, their arms were taken from them and were afterwards thrown into the river Teify, where one of the men named Kearns, the roughrider, met a watery grave, and the others are so bruised from having fallen on the rocks below the bridge pool that they are no more fit for service.

The Union Workhouse had also been entirely destroyed by fire, and it is feared a great many gentlemen’s houses will be destroyed in the course of the night. The mob up to the present time is in possession of the town; but a detachment of the 73rd Regiment of Infantry, under the command of Colonel Love, is expected to arrive this evening. They may retake the town, but it is generally believed that a great number must be slain on both sides before the termination of the contest.

The committee appointed at Newcastle Emlyn met on , and the following resolutions were ordered to be published:—

That the rate of interest on the Tallies from 1838 should be reduced from 5 per cent to 3½ per cent. That the tolls should be lowered to what they were before , except at Francis Well Gate on the new line of road to Pontwelly, which are to remain as at present.

That Pontwelly Gate to Llanpumpsaint be not reerected for one twelvemonth.

That the gates be so arranged that only two tolls be payable between Pontarselly and Carmarthen.

That Bwlchydomen, Nantyclawdd, and Velindre Gates should not be re-erected.

That the Newcastle Gate be re-erected beyond Pontbrengwyddon.

A. Goring Thomas,
Chairman of the Committee.

Newcastle Emlyn,
.


Chapter Ⅷ

Rebecca’s Tactics Continued

A visit was paid by Rebecca and her children to the village of Llanddarog, about six miles from Carmarthen, on . They mustered about five hundred, and were armed with guns, swords and pickaxes. Notice had been previously given that Rebecca intended paying a visit to the above-mentioned gate, and accordingly about this renowned lady and her daughters fulfilled their promise. When they arrived, they inquired of the toll-collector what was to pay, to which that frightened gentleman replied instantly, “Nothing to you, ma’am!” Rebecca having acknowledged his politeness, desired him to go into his dwelling, and shut himself in, which he immediately did, and her orders were given for the destruction of the gate. In a short time it was levelled with the ground, amid the exultation of the family and the firing of guns. They then proceeded to Troedyrhiw Gate, which met the same fate.

On , Frances Evans, the girl who led the Rebeccaites through the workhouse, was apprehended at Kilgwynuchaf Llannewydd. She was brought up at , and bail was taken for her appearance at the Assizes, to answer any bill of indictment which might be preferred against her. A reward of £300 was issued, signed by Colonel George Rice Trevor, for the apprehension and conviction of the chief ringleader of the riot at Talog, with his four accomplices on , the reward to be paid by Her Majesty’s Government.

Colonel Love formed a military cordon round the disturbed districts on . A detachment of the 4th Dragoons arrived the same day at Llandovery from Brecon.

About , a party consisting of about two hundred men on foot, headed by a Rebecca dressed entirely in white and who rode a white horse, were seen approaching Goppa-fach Bar near Pontardulais on the main road and from that direction. The object of their visit was soon surmised, and the inhabitants of the few houses in the neighbourhood, apparently apprehensive of danger, retired within doors. Rebecca having advanced to the toll-house demanded admittance, which, having been given, she directed a few of the troops to carry out the toll-collector’s goods and chattels to the side of the road, and to protect them from all injury till they had completed the object of their mission. She then gave the word of command for the total demolition of the house and bar, and actually within five minutes the bar was completely cut to pieces, the house in ruins, and the whole party in full retreat. During the time they were engaged at work a portion of their gang kept firing guns, etc. They took the Carmarthenshire road, and separated, going in different directions. The farmers of the surrounding district strongly condemned this outbreak, and stated their willingness to have abided by the decision of the turnpike trustees whom they had memorialised the previous day.

On , a detachment of the 4th Light Dragoons arrived at Llandovery from Brecon, under the command of Captain Halket. The same day, a troop of Rebecca’s children entered the district, to commence a campaign against turnpikes and toll-bars.

That night an attack was made upon Pumpsaint Gate, midway between Llandovery and Lampeter, the gate, posts, and rails being completely destroyed, and levelled to the ground with Rebecca’s usual celerity.

the dragoons received orders to march to Llandilo on  — a most unusual command, Sunday marches only being resorted to in cases of great emergency.

Rebecca was not dismayed though, for , the turnpike-gate and bar at Bronvelin, five miles from Llandovery on the Llanwrtyd road, were completely destroyed.

John Lewis, commonly called John Pengelly, fisherman, Steam Mill, Carmarthen, surrendered himself on , and was brought up before the Mayor, etc., to answer the charge of taking an active part in the riotous proceedings at the workhouse on . He was held to bail to answer the charge at the next Assizes.

A great number of gates were demolished at this time in the Three Comotts district, amongst others being Pontyeates, Minke, Pontyberem, and both gates at Kidwelly. The gate-keeper at Castellyrhingyll, seeing a cart coming up, the horses being at full trot, threw a chain across the road, which made them stumble. The chain was instantly destroyed, and the gate-keeper soundly thrashed. At Fanissa a private gate which secured a lime kiln belonging to J.E. Saunders, Esq., of Glanrhydw, was destroyed and burnt in the lime kiln. The Bridgend Gate near Llangennech was destroyed, and the toll-house much damaged; and the Forest Gate between Pontardulais and Llanelly was destroyed and afterwards burnt.

On Rebecca and family, numbering about one hundred strong, mustered in the neighbourhood of Nantgaredig, about five miles from Carmarthen. They were on this occasion thoroughly disguised, and had their faces blackened, and wore something designed to imitate a turban. They were all dressed in smock frocks, and carried with them various implements of destruction. Their first outrage took place at Llandilo-rwnnws Gate, which was attached to a bridge called New Bridge, over the River Towy. This bridge had been erected by a certain John Jones, M.P. for Ystrad, for the convenience of the neighbourhood and his private property. At the time of their approach, two gentlemen from Carmarthen were fishing in the Towy, on the meadow immediately contiguous to the bridge, and they were at once directed to leave the place, or remain at the peril of their lives. The appearance of the mob was so alarming, and their threats being expressed in language both violent and determined, the two anglers (perceiving discretion to be the better part of valour) immediately coiled up their lines and departed. At the same time, a respectable young farmer of the name of Nicholas, happening to be on the spot, was placed under examination, and charged with having on some former occasion volunteered to become a special constable, with a view to aid in quelling the riots and depredations committed. He, however, did not escape so well as the gentlemen of the rod and fly, but had to endure a very serious horse-whipping before he was allowed to depart. A man named Lloyd, from Carmarthen, attempted to escape, but they pursued him, and he shared a like fate. Lloyd and a person named Evans had been placed at the gate, to enter the names of all persons who refused to pay tolls, and to take care that the gateman did not raise more toll than he was authorised to do. At the first appearance of Rebecca, Evans started off at full speed towards Carmarthen, and being a remarkably swift runner, succeeded in making his escape from the clutches of Rebecca. He was so frightened at the appearance of the old lady, who was at least six feet high, had her face blackened, and brandished a large hay-knife in her hand, that he protested he would have nothing more to do with turnpike-gates.

The course being clear, Mr. Lewis, the lessee of the tolls, was the next object of the attack. On the previous Saturday week, Mr. Lewis had summoned a number of persons for refusing to pay toll in passing the gate in question, and this strongly excited their wrath. Lewis was brought out from the toll-house, and he was at once overpowered. Unfortunately he was armed with a horsewhip, and this was used to administer a violent beating. Rebecca, however, was not content with this, but compelled him to swear on his bended knees three successive times, by all that he held sacred, that he would never again have any connection with the tolls or turnpike-gates requiring the payment of tolls. Then followed the scene of destruction, pickaxes, hatchets, crowbars, and saws were set in operation, and the gate completely destroyed.

An express was, with difficulty, sent down to Carmarthen for the dragoons, and about they were mounted, and went off at a rapid pace through Abergwili to the scene of Rebecca’s movements. Passing under Merlin’s Hill, which commands an extensive view of the vale of Towy, a shot was fired, which, it is supposed, was the signal of the approach of the soldiers, and for the dispersion of the mob. At all events, on the arrival of the military, and although an active pursuit was made by them, nothing was discovered beyond the destruction that had taken place. After the lapse of some hours, the dragoons made their way back to Carmarthen. Spies must have been placed in all directions, because the Rebeccaites, nothing daunted, proceeded to destroy the “Mansel’s Arms” bar and toll-house (the latter being a very strong building), also Llanfihangel Gate and part of the toll-house which was situated on the main road to Llandilo, immediately under Golden Grove, the seat of Earl Cawdor.

The toll-bar and house at Bolgoed, near Pontardulais, were completely levelled with the ground about . The furniture belonging to the house was carried out, and placed on the side of the road.

The following letter, from the pen of Edward Lloyd Williams, is evidently a reply to certain threats:

To the person calling himself Rebecca, and others in unlawful connection with him, and calling themselves the daughters of Rebecca.

I have just received a notice to threaten if I give not back to my tenants on next rent day 5s. in the £1, that you will attack my possessions, my farm and my lands; and it is probable that some of my neighbours have had a like notice.

Now, I am willing to believe that you had nothing to do with such an act, and that it is no part of your policy, nor your desire to interfere with the personal affairs of others; but that some cowardly wretch ventured to send such notices thinking to frighten us.

I am telling everyone to keep them carefully, because their writers and those who caused them to be sent are certain to be brought soon to answer for such actions in the Court of Law, and those found guilty shall spend the rest of their days in a degrading occupation in a foreign land. Transportation for life is the punishment proclaimed by law for writing or causing to be written a threatening letter of such like nature. And if you sent to me the notice, I am informing you now that I will not conform with it, and if I had not informed my tenants a month ago that I would give them two shillings in the pound next rent-day without being asked, I would not now do so. So much for your interference.

What damage soever you can do to my property will fall in the long run on many of those whom you pretend you are benefiting. According to the Act 7th, 8th Geo. Ⅳ. it is stated that the inhabitants of the Hundred in every case where such damage is done, must make full compensation to the person that is injured, therefore, not only for the damage done in such a manner, but also for any damage at the same time by any of the evildoers to any immovable goods, furniture, or any manner of possessions whatsoever.

The Act of Parliament gives me the right to the direct payment for the damage from all the inhabitants of this parish, and many of the adjoining parishes included in the large Hundred of Troedyraur; and I would take upon me not to spend a shilling of them in this country; therefore instead of bettering my tenants you will throw upon them an additional burden. And also, you can make up your minds if you are determined to try, that you shall have a pretty warm welcome, and the law says whoever commits such an act “and is proved guilty is to suffer death as an evil doer.”

Any attempt of the kind threatened, would kill all my faith in the character of the Welsh, and would cause me to stop living amongst my tenants, but appointing some solicitor to collect my rents, to be spent in another district, instead of giving daily work to from 30 to 40 persons, as I have done up to now, to help them to earn their living in an honest way, at all seasons of the year.

The rates and taxes that I pay as one of the foremost in the parish, would fall heavier on others through the number thrown out of employment by my not living here; and thus you will harm my tenants again by depriving them of a friend to whom they have never appealed in vain for counsel or help.

If you persist in your unlawful acts, you will cause the gentry of the county to absent themselves until you make the country like unto Ireland. You will bring the working class to poor and needy circumstances, when it is clear they are better off than they have been for many years, when they can buy their bread and their butter for nearly half the prices of and the previous year’s cheese for two pence per pound and all necessaries for a corresponding price.

Many of the common people have been induced by your followers to join with you in your unlawful habits, by threatening to burn their houses should they refuse, but they know now that for any such loss two Justices can order full compensation to them, taxed on all the inhabitants of the Hundred, so that they need not be afraid to refuse to join you in that respect; but if they join with you, they make themselves open to transportation for life.

Now they know how to act correctly, and may God lead them to do so; they can place full reliance in the Magistrates for help.

It is said that you are deceiving the ignorant by taking that part of the Scripture which is found in the 60th verse of the ⅹⅹⅳ chapter of Genesis, which is as follows:

And they blessed Rebekah, and said unto her, Thou art our sister, be thou the mother of thousands of millions, and let thy seed possess the gate of those which hate them.

What crooked rendering of the Holy Scripture!! All the learned divines agree that the meaning of the words is that the mother and brother of Rebecca were praying on God for her to be fruitful, and that her seed should overcome her enemies. Rebecca was a female certainly, a good and godly female fearing the Lord and respecting all his commandments, taking care not to transgress them by “doing evil unto others.” But if you persist in your literal explanation of the text, it is necessary to take the next verse also in the same way: “And the servant took Rebecca and went his way,” which means that Rebecca had been taken, and that the servant was not hindered in the work.

And this will be to you, you will be caught, and the peasants whom you have wrongly directed and forced to help you, will return to their peaceful homes. They ought not to trust in strangers whom they do not know and who dare not show their faces, to go against those amongst whom they have spent their lives; they may have looked upon attacking the toll-gates as a small evil without one desire to commit a serious evil action as many did.

It is to be hoped that the Clergy and Ministers of all denominations will feel their responsibility and duty to urge their congregations and their friends to withstand such evil examples to the best of their ability, to point out the evil results that must follow such conduct, and to join together to end that which has brought such discredit on the country. And it is also to be hoped that you and your followers will leave your evil ways before the law overtakes you, which is certain to take place, and your lives will end in misery and disgrace.

Edward Lloyd Williams.

Gwernant,
Near Newcastle Emlyn.
.

On Rebecca and her family mustered about 200 strong in the neighbourhood of Llanybyther and New Inn, and destroyed the Gwarallt Gate, not far from the latter place on the Carmarthen and Lampeter Road, and also another bar. Rebecca on this occasion was gaily dressed, and sported a parasol. When the work of demolition was complete, the party quickly dispersed over the hills. A bridge near Cross Inn was also destroyed, and the scaffolding of a bridge about to be erected at Cwmgwili; but it appears that Rebecca did not confine her enmity to turnpike-gates and bridges, as about this time she demolished three gates leading to a Dissenting chapel in the upper part of Carmarthenshire.

The dragoons, at a minute’s notice, were ordered off to Tyllwyd Gate, near Carmarthen, as news had arrived that the Rebeccaites were mustering in the vicinity, and it was feared they intended to destroy that gate. When they arrived there, no person was to be seen, and in a few hours they returned to town. The Rebeccaites had timely notice of the approach of the military, and lay concealed in the hedges and fields adjoining, during the time the soldiers were there. The arrival of the dragoons, however, deterred them from committing any depredations at that place on the night in question, and they departed peaceably to their homes.

Eight persons were taken up on suspicion, and were kept in custody at Llandovery one night, but were discharged the next day, as there was not sufficient evidence to convict them. While these persons were in custody at Llandovery, some others completed the work of destruction at Bronyfelin Gate, by taking down the toll-house and setting fire to the materials. The toll-house to Bethel Dissenting chapel, Carmarthen, was also attacked, and its destroyers took particular care to remove the materials of the roof, etc., to a sufficient distance, so as not to endanger the chapel by the fire. A reward of £100 was offered by the trustees for the discovery of the delinquents.

A detachment of the 14th Dragoons, under Captain Halket, returned to Llandovery on , where the soldiers remained until replaced by another troop on the .

Rebecca paid a visit to the Porthyrhyd Gate, the one placed on the road that leads from the main road towards Middleton Hall and Llanarthney, on . The rioters were on this occasion, as heretofore, all disfigured, and the majority on horseback. Several hundreds assembled, and began their work at twelve o’clock. Effort succeeded effort — change of hand, and change of power in quick succession, until the point was gained, and the gate destroyed. They then proceeded towards the ruins of Llanddarog Gate, and on their way smashed the windows of Evan Thomas, a parish constable of the hundred. Unchecked and bent upon mischief, they arrived at the spot where, some week previous, had stood Llanddarog Gate, but which had recently been destroyed by Rebecca’s mandate. It would seem that their work on a former occasion was incomplete, as they had only destroyed the gate, leaving the house undisturbed. After this visit not a stone was left upon another.

another division of the firm proceeded to Minke, for the purpose of destroying the toll-house, the gate having been previously destroyed. On this occasion Rebecca’s visit seems to have been anticipated, and three pot-valiant constables of the parish were in attendance to protect the toll-house from the threatened intrusion.

John Mami, David Davies, and, last but not least, “Will Llwynpatria,” had, frequently, over their cups, expressed their determination to oppose ’Becca’s invasion, and that they would stick to the toll-house, whatever the consequence might be. When the lady arrived, and her family surrounded the toll-house, the valiant protectors of the public peace would fain have beaten a retreat, but this was not allowed. Weapons of destruction were placed in the hands of the constables, who were the first to commence operations. With the assistance of the Rebeccaites, the toll-house was soon a heap of ruins. The party, as usual, departed after firing a signal of joy.

Pontyberem Gate, in the very centre of the village of that name, was destroyed on . This gate had cast-iron pillars, which had been manufactured at the Gwendraeth foundry. The Rebeccaites on this occasion were not numerous, being about fifty in number. They commenced work about , and effected their object about . The mob came down from the neighbourhood of the lime kilns, walking two abreast, three being in advance, and three bringing up the rear, all the party being disguised. They had fifes, horns, guns, pickaxes, crowbars, and sledges, and had well prepared for the enterprise, as from the time they were occupied, it would seem that they had a more than ordinary task to perform. Considerable excitement was consequent on this visit to Pontyberem, and the women frightened, and but half-dressed, were anxious spectators of the scene.

also Pompren Gate, about two miles from Llandilo, on the Llangadock road, was demolished by a party of Rebeccaites, who at the same time warned the gatekeeper, on certain pains and penalties, never again to demand tolls from persons travelling on that road. The belligerent party arrived at the gate from the direction of Llangadock, and their approach was announced by the occasional discharge of firearms, notwithstanding the danger of their position, there being military situated both at Llandovery and Llandilo.


Chapter Ⅸ

A Rebeccaite Conference

Glamorganshire was visited for the second time by Rebecca on . , a man on horseback arrived at Pumfry Gate, near the Three Crosses in the Gower district, about six miles from Swansea, and asked the tollman to open the gate. The man complied, and the horseman passed through, shortly after blowing a loud blast with a horn, which was the signal for the appearance of about sixty men, disguised, and having their faces blackened. When the party arrived at the gate, the collector had gone into the toll-house, and the mob informed him, that if he opened the door, or drew the curtains of the window, they would shoot him. They then fired off their guns and began to destroy the gates, which were soon smashed to atoms. The posts were cut close to the ground with hatchets. A chain which was stretched across a by-road, and supported by two strong oak posts, together with several perches of wall on each side of the road, were levelled with the ground. While the destruction of the gate was going on, a farmer named William Eaton, residing near the spot, came from his house towards the toll-house, but the moment he was seen, the mob threw pieces of broken gate at him, and fired off their guns; and he was compelled to retire within his house. When the destruction was complete, the mob returned in the direction of Cadoxton and Three Crosses, and dispersed.

Three days later, Rebecca visited the neighbourhood of Llechryd, in Cardiganshire, with the intention of destroying the weirs in the River Teify in that locality, or possibly Rhydyfuwch Gate; but on learning that some marines from Cardigan were awaiting their arrival, they dispersed.

On , several of the Rebecca rioters appeared for the purpose of entering into fresh recognisances for their appearance on the following , to answer to a bill of indictment preferred against them at the Assizes, before our Sovereign Lady the Queen, in any part of England where she might be pleased to call them on. John Harris of Talog was ordered to give bail, himself in £200 and two sureties in £100 each, several others in £100, £50, and £25. In consequence of the non-attendance of one of the rioters called Job Jones, nor his sureties, the sureties forfeited their recognisances, and a Bench warrant was issued for the apprehension of the said Job Jones.

A large meeting of Rebeccaites took place on , at Cwmifor, five miles beyond Llandilo.

Cwmifor is a picturesque dell in the heart of the mountains, remote from the high-road, the only buildings at that time being a house and a chapel. As soon as dusk began to close in, the Rebeccaites were seen approaching in twos and threes and fives down the mountain sides, and by every path which led to it, till about there must have been from 300 to 400 present. Proceedings commenced in the burying ground of the chapel, and were afterwards continued in the schoolroom adjoining, which was crowded, as well as the steps leading to it.

The Times reporter succeeded after considerable parley in getting admission, and was in time to see a chairman appointed and the commencement of business. The meeting was addressed by several speakers, in the Welsh language, who all complained of the grievances under which they suffered and which they declared they would endure no longer. They described the tolls as most oppressive; the tithes had been increased enormously; they declared the Poor Law to be a wicked and most unjust enactment. At length a speaker laid a series of resolutions in Welsh and English as follows:—

To the conductors of the Convention appointed to be held at Cwmifor, in the parish of Llandilo, in the county of Carmarthen, on .

To concur, and inquire into the grievances complained of by the people, and to adopt the best method of avoiding the surprising deprivations that exist, and the external viligence of our superintendents, which is the price of our liberty.

We wish to reduce the price (taxes), and secure our blessings. An army of principles will penetrate where an army of soldiers cannot. Power usurped is weak when opposed. The public interest depends upon our compliance to examine the cause of the calamity and unveil the corruptions to Rebecca, etc.

The following resolutions agree and intend to recommend to your future aspect by us, whose names are here subscribed at foot, being householders within the above heretofore mentioned parish:

  1. To level all petty gates and gate-posts connected with by-roads and bridle-paths, or any roads repaired by the parishioners. Also coal, lime, and grains taken to market, to be exempt from tolls.
  2. The motive is the abolition of heavy tithe and rent charge in lieu of tithe.
  3. The abolition of church rates.
  4. Total alteration of the Poor Law.
  5. An equitable adjustment of the landlord’s rent.
  6. Not to allow or grant any Englishman the privilege of a steward or governorship in South Wales.
  7. If any man rents his neighbour’s farm treacherously, we must acquaint the lady, and endeavour to encourage her exertions whenever she wishes to execute our phenomena and combat.
  8. To request the farmers not to borrow money on purpose to pay unlawful demands; and if the result be that some person or persons will annoy anyone by plundering, and sacrifice their goods to such charge, we must protect them, and diminish their exploits of agonism.
  9. That a Committee of Privy Council must be held when necessary, and all persons under the age of eighteen years are not admitted into it. Neither women nor any of the female sex shall be introduced into this select assembly except Rebecca and Miss Cromwell!!!!

These resolutions met with the unanimous approval of the whole meeting, and were received with considerable applause. It was also agreed that there should be a committee in each county; without whose sanction no farmer was to take any farm which had been vacated by another, and if he did so in opposition to the committee, he was to take the consequences. Four persons were then appointed to frame rules, which were to be agreed to, and signed by all the persons constituting what they called their Society or Lodge.

The meeting then closed, and in five minutes the whole of the parties present had so completely dispersed themselves by the various by-roads, that no one could have imagined any such meeting to have taken place.

About a great number of Rebeccaites paid a visit to Ystradfeiris Gate, about a mile beyond Llangadock, which they completely destroyed, and afterwards burnt. They also smashed in the windows of the toll-house, and the gate-keeper making some resistance, they carried him off; but at his wife’s intercession, Rebecca allowed him to depart, after cautioning him to be more careful in the future to obey her mandate. The rioters next loopholed the front doors of Church House, Llangadock. They were nearly all well armed and fired several salutes; they also had several musical instruments, with which they made a most discordant noise.

In consequence of the continued unsettled state of affairs, orders were received at Woolwich on , to have in readiness four six-pounder field-guns, and two twelve-pounder howitzers, which were selected from the field-train department. At they left Woolwich under the command of Captain Taylor, whose orders were to proceed to Bristol by G.W.R., and from Bristol to Carmarthen with the least possible delay.

The cavalry and infantry stationed at Carmarthen patrolled nightly the different parts of the neighbourhood in certain directions, by which means town and country were kept quiet during the following week. The Assizes on went off without any of the disturbances anticipated, which may be attributed to the circumstance of the military having been retained in the town, a most unusual procedure on these occasions. On a detachment of the 14th Dragoons marched under the command of Lieutenant Kirkman from Carmarthen to St. Clears, to relieve the Castle Martin Yeomanry, who were on the march to Newcastle Emlyn. A troop of the Castle Martin Yeomanry arrived at Carmarthen the same evening from Lampeter.

Two hundred of the 75th Regiment of Foot reached Swansea on , by the Bristol steamer. Billets were taken for three days.

On , Cenarth Gate on the turnpike road between Newcastle Emlyn and Cardigan was entirely demolished, and the materials thrown over the bridge into the river Teify. The rioters, about sixty in number, had not given previous notice of their intentions.

The same evening, a meeting of colliers took place in the neighbourhood of Pontyberem. It is said that all the workmen employed in the different collieries of the Carmarthenshire valleys, excepting the Cwmmawr men, were present; and the resolutions passed or proposed at this meeting were precisely similar in import to those suggested at the meeting at Cwmifor, near Llandilo two nights previous. They created no disturbance on this occasion, and dispersed quietly after passing the resolutions.

On , the farmyard of Mr. Howell Davies, a respectable farmer living in the village of Conwil, and an Anti-Rebeccaite, was set on fire. With the assistance of the neighbours the fire was ultimately got under, but not until two ricks of hay and three stacks of corn or straw had become a prey to the devouring element.

On , the turnpike-gate of Brynefal near Tre’madoc was destroyed. There were between twenty and thirty rioters present, some of whom spoke with the South accent, and others in English.

They told the toll-keeper that, unless he kept silent, they would make him so, and tried to effect an entry into the house. The man had had the presence of mind to place four sacks of salt against the door, which prevented this.

Having pulled off the posts, etc., they carried the gate about a mile, then cut it in pieces, and left the fragments by the riverside. No clue was obtained as to the perpetrators.

Abergwili Toll-bar, at the entrance of Abergwili village, was totally demolished by Rebeccaites on . They mustered very strong at this place, and commenced their work of destruction about twelve o’clock, having previously placed a body of men, with guns in their hands, on Abergwili Bridge, and also sentinels on all the roads leading to the bar. The gate and posts, as well as the walls adjoining, were completely destroyed in a very short time. Several inhabitants of the village were witnesses of the activity with which Rebecca carried on her work, but dared not approach the place nor even leave their houses. The gate on the main road close by was left uninjured, which plainly indicates that this lady’s antipathy was principally directed against bars and side-gates.

The riots were not without their humorous aspects, as the following incident will show.

On , a party of workmen, while returning from haymaking above Mount Pleasant, Swansea, amused themselves by pushing before them one of their party, a mason named Williams, who covered his face with his apron, at the same time crying out, “’Becca for ever!” The mayor, who was accidentally passing at the time, immediately seized him by the collar, and gave him into custody to two soldiers. Mr. Morris, a joiner, meeting them, told the mayor that he would answer for Williams’s appearance on . He was accordingly set free; but on the following morning entered into recognizances to appear before the magistrates on .

Both toll-house and gate at Tyllwyd, Carmarthen, were demolished by a gang of about thirty Rebeccaites, on .

On , the Quarter Sessions took place at the Town Hall, Carmarthen, twenty-six magistrates being present. Colonel Trevor (afterwards Lord Dynevor), proposed the establishment of a rural police throughout the county, the chief constable at £300 a year, with an allowance of £150 for two horses and residence; six mounted superintendents at £154 per year; ten sergeants at 22s. per week; twenty first-class policemen at 20s. per week; and twenty more at 11s. per week. It was carried.

About , Croeslwyd Gate, which had for some time been threatened with destruction, was visited by the followers of Rebecca and totally destroyed. A party of the 4th Dragoons rode up about , and, all appearing quiet, they returned, and proceeded up to the St. Clears road, being attracted thither by the blowing of horns on the hills, which appears to have been done purposely to decoy them away. Two constables were left to watch the gate, and were comfortably smoking their pipes at a neighbouring smithy (which commanded a view of three roads and three turnpike-gates), when a loud whistle was heard, and about thirty Rebeccaites jumped over the hedges. They proceeded at once to demolish the toll-house and gate, which work they completed in less than half an hour. The toll-keeper, who had a wife and family to support, was severely kicked in the groin, which, being a serious injury, quite laid him up. The rioters threatened to pull the house about his head, and only allowed him and his family to go out when the roof was falling in. The constables no sooner saw what was going on, than they valiantly turned tail and peppered away down to Carmarthen at Newmarket speed, and they ought to have the credit of coming off victorious in the fray, for—

When the fight becomes a chase,
They win the fight who win the race;

and it is an undoubted fact that they first reached Carmarthen!

Early on the morning of , the house of John Thomas, Esq., of Cwmmawr, was surrounded by a large party of Rebeccaites and colliers from the neighbourhood, who greatly alarmed the family by blowing horns and firing guns. The visit was the direct result of Mr. Thomas having been requested to direct the dragoons on their road on night when in that neighbourhood. A threatening letter was left pinned against the front door requesting him to dismiss one of his work-people, telling him that his son was a marked man, and saying that the next time they visited his house they would raze it to the ground.

At the end of , Mr. Hall, chief magistrate of Bow Street Police Office, left London by the direction of the Government for Wales. His orders were to institute a rigid and searching inquiry and examination into all the circumstances connected with the Rebecca Riots. He was accompanied by one or two legal gentlemen, who assisted in the inquiry.

On , he passed through Swansea, bound for Carmarthenshire .


Chapter Ⅹ

Rebecca at Swansea — Capture of some Rebeccaites

On , a countryman, known as John Jones, of Lletty Llangefelach, went to the Swansea Inspector of Police, and made a statement, which induced him (Mr. Rees) to believe that he could give full information as to the names and residences of the men engaged in the destruction of the bar and toll-house of Bolgoed. Mr. Rees at once conducted the man to a place of safety, where no person had access to him, until he (Mr. Rees) had procured the attendance of two magistrates of the county. They, having heard the man’s story, issued warrants for the apprehension of the individuals against whom he informed, on the charge of being concerned in the outrage at Bolgoed on . Four warrants were placed in the hands of Captain Napier, chief constable for the county, for the apprehension of William Morgan, and Henry Morgan, of the parish of Llandilo-Talybont, also Mathew Morgan and David Jones, of Tymawr, of the parish of Llangefelach. At a party consisting of Captain Napier, Inspector Rees, and P.C.’s William Jenkins and Henry Davies, proceeded, well armed with swords and pistols, to execute the warrants. About they arrived at Pontardulais, where they put up their horses, and about they succeeded in apprehending Mathew Morgan in his house. At they apprehended David Jones. They then returned to town with their prisoners, whom they lodged in the borough station, and took the precaution of placing a sentinel at the door. At half-past seven the party again left Swansea for the purpose of apprehending William and Henry Morgan, the sons of Morgan Morgan, a freeholder. The former they succeeded in taking, and Captain Napier and Mr. Rees left him, ironed, with the two P.C.’s, while they proceeded to apprehend Henry Morgan. Upon arriving at his residence, Cwm Cillefach, near Velindre, he instantly suspected the nature of their visit, and feigned illness. The warrant was produced, shown to him, the nature of it explained, the cause of its being issued stated, and the signatures of the magistrates pointed out to him. He again feigned illness, protested he was unable to move, and could not apparently be brought to understand that it was necessary he should accompany them to Swansea. “Some other time would do quite as well!” Captain Napier, in a firm and decided manner, requested him to submit, and to accompany them peaceably, otherwise they would be reluctantly obliged to use force. The scene at once changed. The invalid who had previously been unable to stir without pain, suddenly sprang up, his family surrounded him, and expressed their intention of resisting his capture to the utmost of their power, at the same time making use of bloody threats, desiring the officers of justice to stand off, at the peril of their lives. Captain Napier and Mr. Rees then laid hold of the man they sought, and endeavoured to drag him out of the house. Two men and two women instantly laid hold of the inspector, felled him to the ground, and, in spite of his efforts, kept him there. The rest of the family, four in number, attacked Captain Napier. He again laid hold of Henry Morgan, and succeeded in dragging him out of the house, but the instant he got outside the door he was violently thrown to the ground. Henry Morgan’s father stood over him on one side, with his foot on his stomach, and one of the sons stood over him on the other side, father and son having firm hold of Captain Napier’s pistol, and endeavouring to turn the muzzle towards his stomach, and to fire it off. Fortunately, the pistol was not cocked. After a lengthened struggle, Captain Napier succeeded in turning the pistol towards them, and, conceiving his life to be in the utmost danger (his assailants being armed with hatchets, sickles, and hammers), he fired and hit John Morgan. The latter, finding himself wounded, started back for a second or two, and then advanced again, attacking Captain Napier with the utmost fury. A third brother, armed with a mason’s hammer, advanced towards Captain Napier, and aimed a blow at him, which he avoided, in return knocking the fellow down. He sprang up in an instant, and again struck out with his hammer. Captain Napier then closed with him, wrenched the hammer from him, and finally threw him. Mr. Rees, in the meanwhile, had a hard and hot engagement with his opponents, who, having thrown him down, endeavoured by tightening his neckcloth to strangle him. Being a powerful man, and accustomed to defend himself, he succeeded in regaining his feet, when he was in a position to cope with them to better advantage. He had pistols with him, and presented one of them frequently at different individuals, but did not fire. The women during the whole of the time fought with the most frantic violence. One of them attacked Captain Napier with a sickle, and inflicted a very severe wound upon the side of his head. The other woman seized a saucepan of boiling water, which she threw at the officers, but fortunately missed them. The struggle had now lasted several minutes, and both Captain Napier and Mr. Rees, having to contend against such odds, were becoming exhausted, when succour arrived in the person of P.C. William Jenkins. He, finding Captain Napier bleeding at all points, and Mr. Rees’s condition much the same, drew his sword, forced the crowd back, and rescued his superior officers from certain death.

Two constables had been left by Captain Napier with their prisoner, upon the road within a field or two of Cwm Cille. Some time after Captain Napier and Mr. Rees entered the house, Jenkins having heard a pistol fired, set off, and arrived just in time, as stated above, to be of the most material service.

The prisoner, who was then in Henry Lewis’s custody, began to cry out, “Help, help — Lladdwch hwynt!” so as to cause the whole neighbourhood to turn out. After a great deal of trouble, difficulty, and danger, the officers of justice succeeded in securing John Morgan, the young man who was shot. They brought him and the other prisoner to Swansea, and lodged them there about in the station-house.

The news soon spread that several of the Rebeccaites had been taken, and vast crowds surrounded the station-house during the remainder of the day, who expressed the liveliest sympathy with the young man who had been wounded. Dr. Bird and Mr. Rogers, surgeon, were sent for, and, after examining the wound, succeeded in extracting the ball, which had entered the abdomen on the left side, lower than the navel. It had then crossed, touched the upper edge of the haunch-bone, took an upward and backward course, finally remaining over the third lower rib on the left side of the body, where it was found and extracted. Captain Napier was taken to the residence of Mr. Bird, who dressed his wounds. The captain was able to attend the meeting on the following day.

On the afternoon of a party of police fully armed, accompanied by a detachment of the 73rd Regiment, and three vehicles, proceeded to the neighbourhood of Pontardulais, for the purpose of apprehending the men and women who had assisted in the attack upon the police in the morning. About the whole party returned, having in custody a man and two women one of the latter being the person who had wounded Captain Napier with a sickle. The father of the wounded man, having come to town to make inquiries respecting his son’s health, was recognised, arrested, and placed in custody.

During the morning the space of ground in front of the station-house and the streets leading to it were crowded by persons of all ranks and conditions, their excitement being evidently intense. A rush of the crowd gave notice that some event had taken place. It proved to be Superintendent Peak and Sergeant Bennett, advancing with two prisoners in custody Mr. Griffith Vaughan, landlord of the Pontardulais Inn, and Mr. David Lewis, of the same place, weaver, both of whom, it was alleged, had been engaged in the Bolgoed affair.

a meeting of the magistrates took place in the Town Hall. The proceedings were strictly private, no person, with the exception of Mr. Thomas Attwood, being allowed to enter the room.

About the prisoners, strongly guarded, were marched down to the room where the magistrates were sitting. Vast crowds accompanied them, and in expectation of hearing the examination, rushed into the large hall, which in a few minutes was crammed. After some time the Rev. Samuel Davies entered, and, standing in the Judge’s seat, said:

I suppose you have assembled here for the purpose of hearing the examination of witnesses in the case which now occupies the attention of the magistrates. I have to inform you that it will be a private hearing, and therefore you may all depart; but before the investigation is brought to a conclusion, when the prisoners are brought up for final hearing, the public will be admitted.

This announcement was received with expressive marks of disapprobation.

Mr. Powell (of The Times), on behalf of the reporters, applied for permission to be present, but was refused. The solicitors who had been engaged to defend the prisoners, made a similar application, and in reply received the following:—

Resolved unanimously — That all meetings with a view to the investigation of charges relating to the demolition of turnpike-gates in this neighbourhood be strictly private, until the parties are brought up for final hearing.

The friends of the parties in custody asserted that Captain Napier did not show the warrant at Cwm Cille that he and Mr. Rees abruptly entered the house, seized the man named in the warrant, and with the greatest violence proceeded to drag him out, stating that he must go with them, dead or alive.

With respect to Mr. Vaughan and Mr. Lewis, the chairman of the magistrates, in reply to their attorney, stated that the magistrates themselves were unacquainted with the charges to be preferred against the parties in custody.

About thirty Rebeccaites on attacked Alltfawr Gate on the road from Llannon to Pontardulais. They had sent a notice to the toll-collector (an old man of eighty) of their intention of visiting the gate on .

This engagement they did not keep, but came on , destroyed the gate, and burnt the toll-house to the ground. They certainly tried to save the man’s furniture, but the flames were too much for them. Previous to leaving, and when nothing remained “save a little smoke curling from the ruins,” the Rebeccaites cried out in malignant triumph, “Gate ahoy! gateman!” fired a few shots, and dispersed.

The trustees of the Kidwelly Trust held a meeting at Llangendeirne on the same date, and after a full investigation resolved to abolish thirteen side bars out of the fifteen then established on that Trust.

During the night a wall, which had been recently erected in the village of Llandebie, across a portion of the common or waste lands, and said to be an encroachment on the Commons Rights of the Villages, was levelled with the ground, and the field which it enclosed was again thrown open, and made part of the common, as it originally stood. The same night, the side-bar on the road leading from Llangadock to the lime kilns, called Pontarllechan Bar, was set upon by a party of Rebeccaites, and completely destroyed in the short space of ten minutes. The same night also a number of the sisterhood appeared in the village of Llannon, where they demolished the gate, and also burnt the toll-house. They then proceeded towards the mansion recently built by Rees Goring Thomas, Esq., and smashed in all the windows, after which, having given three cheers as a token of success, they immediately dispersed. There were no less than eight gates taken down between Lampeter and Aberystwyth that selfsame night.

On , very early in the morning, a party of men attacked and completely destroyed the Red Lion Turnpike-gate within a hundred yards of the town of Swansea. This outrage was attended with circumstances of peculiar aggravation, one of the men having been a toll-collector.

, Rebecca and a great number of her children, well armed with guns and other destructive weapons, made their appearance at Llanelly, and proceeded to destroy the Furnace Lodge, and sandy lime kiln gates, and the toll-house belonging thereto; which they accomplished in a short time, afterwards burning the materials. They also attacked Williams, the gate-keeper at Furnace Lodge, and beat him severely. One of them discharged his gun at him, and shot him in the face. After completing the work of destruction, they fired several more shots, by way of intimidation, and afterwards separated in various directions.

The farmers met at Llanfyrnwyd on , and agreed to petition Colonel Trevor, protesting against being taxed to maintain the rural police, also praying for removal of toll on lime in the Three Commotts district; for the removal of Llandilo Walk Gate, and the heavy burden caused to the parish by Abergorlech Bridge. The petition was signed by many persons, and was entrusted for presentation to Sir John Mansel, Bart., and J. W. Phillips, Esq., who attended the meeting.

visited Aberayron, with about a hundred of her followers, and destroyed two gates; five only of the Rebeccaites were on horseback. They made the toll-keepers begin the work of destruction, and in a short time the gates, posts, and boards on the walls were smashed to atoms.

A number of Rebeccaites also assembled at Burton Gate, near Pembroke Ferry, which they destroyed in a very short time.

On also, the Tycoch Toll-bar in the borough of Swansea was destroyed by a party of men, who came from the direction of Llansamlet. Not content with destroying the bar which was situate on the old road leading from Neath to Swansea, and only separated from Swansea by the river Tawe, one of the rioters brutally assaulted the female who filled the office of toll-collector, with an iron bar, striking her upon her right forearm. He inflicted a severe wound, and threatened to “smash her brains out” with the same instrument. By the activity of the borough police one of the chief offenders was taken into custody the same evening; he was committed to take his trial at the Assizes.


Chapter Ⅺ

Another Important Conference

About this time an address to the fanners of Carmarthen was published under a nom de plume. It is as follows:—

Fellow Countrymen,

I have long watched the growing discontent that prevails in your minds at the existence of what you deem insufferable wrongs and grievances; and I will not for a moment conceal my opinion that you have a fair and undoubted cause of complaint, and that if you went the right way to work you would without doubt very soon have your burdens removed.

The first cause of complaint is the frequency of Turnpike Gates, and high rate of toll demanded on the carriage of Lime and Coal, and the conduct of Trustees in allowing Toll Collectors to persuade them to make Bars and Side Gates which harass the neighbouring Farmers without any reason or pretext whatever.

There is no man, gentle or simple, who will have the hardihood to deny that both the above complaints are grounded in truth; but the question is how they can be legally remedied according to the existing state of the Trusts.

I know that many people say, “Knock down all Turnpike Gates, and let us have a free passage without any payment.”

Now, suppose this was to take place, how are the Roads to be repaired? I do not think that any man can be found to stand up for this plan if he thinks for a moment that the consequence would be to throw the repair of all the Roads upon the parishes through which the great Roads run; in fact, that those parishes between Cardiganshire and the Lime and Coal district would have to repair the Roads, at their own expense, for all the other parishes in Carmarthenshire and Cardiganshire, which would amount to many thousands a year. I am told that the rental of all the Gates is £10,000 a year, and that the calculation is, that six out of this ten are paid by Cardiganshire and other Counties and Travellers. If this be true, we should lose £6000 a year by doing away with the Gates. This would never do.

You may then well ask what is to be done? for if I admit a grievance, I ought to point out a remedy; otherwise I do nothing but inflame the present excited state of the public mind.

The vast number of different Trusts in this County is the great difficulty that stands in the way of an immediate adjustment; and I must confess I do not see the possibility of getting over the obstacle without the assistance of our good and benevolent Queen, who will not allow the meanest of her subjects to be oppressed, if the matter is properly laid before her and her Parliament, for I fear it would be time thrown away to endeavour to get the Trustees of the different Trusts in the County, as they have not the power, to arrange for the position of the Turnpike gates that no Gate should be nearer than a certain number of miles to the other: or that the Government should take upon it the management of all the Trusts in the Principality and raise a fund by a Toll or by a Tax.

If you think, as I do, that the plan I have suggested would be just and fair, I would advise that every Parish in the County should get up Petitions, first to the Lord Lieutenant, and if he cannot do anything for us, then to Parliament, and I have no doubt whatever that we shall find men there who will fight our battles for us upon having a fair and unbiased case, capable of proof, set before them.

If you were to be as active and energetic in petitioning Parliament upon your present grievances as you were upon the Education Clauses in the Factory Bill, you would soon find that injustice would be redressed; for there is no man or body of men in England that dare withstand justice backed by the voice of the people, for “The voice of the people is the voice of God.”

It is to be regretted, although not wondered at, that many Gates and Bars have been removed by force; but this is perfectly useless and very wrong, for in doing so, the law of the land is violated and parties subject themselves to very severe punishment, and do no good whatever to the cause they wish to favour, for they may be again put up, and the Parishes are liable for the damage, and worse than all, we Welshmen, who have been always proverbial for loyalty, and peaceable and religious conduct, are now looked upon as being riotous and irreligious, and cannot be trusted without having Regiments of Horse and Foot Soldiers, and Artillery stationed among us.

The object of my addressing you is to endeavour, with the little ability that God has given me, to convince you that it is not by force of arms but by peaceable and firm assertion of our rights — by the constitutional means of petitioning Parliament we can expect to arrive at what we have in view.

We have had the credit hitherto of being a peaceable and religious people, all members of some congregation; and I have determined, by means of your respective ministers, to make my sentiments known; and I trust, through God, that I shall not do so in vain. I make your ministers the channels of communication, as they are known to you, and entrusted with the care and instruction of your souls’ good.

I address myself to your good sense and not to your passions; I know you are a reasonable people, and if you believe my arguments, I am quite sure that the power of the arm will give way to the power of the mind.

I am aware you have other grievances, and I know that the Farmer, and consequently his Labourer, are labouring under great difficulty, and such as we cannot at this moment contemplate without lively fears for the result; but through God’s assistance I trust that those who have the power to alleviate our sufferings, by means entirely in their power, will not slumber and shut their eyes to the real state of things until we are so far reduced in circumstances that the boon will be useless.

Let me entreat you and those under your authority to avoid private meetings and secret societies; no good ever resulted from them, but much mischief. If our complaints and objects are just, why should we fear to meet in open day? We have a right to do so, and no Government or Authorities will ever trench upon that right so long as we are peaceable and quiet and respectful to the authorities, and ask nothing dangerous to the Constitution. We have nothing to ask that we are ashamed of, therefore why seek the shadow of night or secrecy? I am one of yourselves toiling for the support of my wife and family. Personally I have little or no power in this county; but I tell you boldly that if you seek to redress your grievances peaceably and lawfully, and allow your minds and not your strong right hands to be your instruments, I pledge myself to find you powerful friends in this County and in the House of Commons, who will not allow you to be wronged, but carry your Petitions to the foot of the Throne should it be necessary.

After I wrote the above I heard with pleasure that the Government have appointed a Commissioner1 to investigate the alleged grievances as to the Turnpike Gates and abuses said to exist in the different Trusts. Now you have an opportunity of laying what you complain of before a Gentleman who will pay every attention to what you have to say, and it will be your own fault if you allow this Gentleman to close his labours without mentioning everything to him, so that he may report thereon to Government, and if his report is favourable to your views, I am quite certain that your grievances will be removed without delay. The means of redress are now in your power, and you have nobody but yourselves to blame if you neglect the opportunity offered; therefore be vigilant and select some person in your respective Districts of Turnpike Trusts, and furnish him with materials to go before the Commissioner. Go about it in earnest, and like men of business as if you were preparing for a trial; for if you do not, you cannot hope for success, nor will you deserve it.

I do not put my name to this paper, because I seek to convince your judgments by the arguments I use, uninfluenced by any particular set of political opinions or views which I may entertain.

A Lover of Peace.

The following is an extract from The Times of :—

Having heard that there was to be another meeting of the Rebeccaites at Penlan, a small village on the hills, off the roadside, between Llangadock and Llandilo, and not far from Cwm Ifor, where the Rebeccaites held a meeting a fortnight ago, on , I proceeded to Llandilo, determined, if possible, to be present. I then got an intelligent young Welshman, the son of the innkeeper of the town, who spoke both Welsh and English fluently, and proceeded in a gig to a roadside house within a mile of the place. I here learned that the meeting was to take place in a solitary farmhouse barn at . The night was windy and stormy, with occasional heavy showers of rain, and the uninviting aspect was calculated to keep all indoors whom business or necessity did not compel to go out.

The country around the place of meeting is the most romantic and beautiful in Carmarthenshire. On all sides are lofty hills, verdant, and clothed with wood to their summits, with deep and luxurious valleys between them. From the smallness of the farms (and they rarely exceed 50 to 60 acres) the landscape is dotted over with the white-washed cottages of the farmers, and the country for an agricultural district is thickly populated.

My Welsh guide and I made our way for about a mile along some lanes, and then we struck into a path across some fields, and in a short time arrived at the place of meeting — a solitary farmhouse in a sequestered dell, not visible until within a field’s distance from it. All was silent, save the rushing noise of an occasional blast through the trees. The dark clouds, intercepted by the hill-tops, hung among them, and rolled down their sides like curling smoke.

To this centre, the farmers from the surrounding farmhouses kept coming by the different pathways.

I addressed one or two who appeared to be leaders among them, and shortly explained my object. I was evidently viewed with caution and distrust. My young guide, who appeared known to most of them, was called on one side and questioned about me. At length, after much whispering and consultation, one who appeared a leader amongst them again approached me, and to him I produced one of your printed Parliamentary Circulars to your reporters, which I happened to have in my pocket. This served as a sufficient credential, and I was then told I might be present at their meeting. The farmer led the way, and I followed him into the barn. In the centre was a small round table, with one candle burning upon it, throwing a feeble light over the figures of about 70 men, all seated around on chairs or benches, or on the straw, while numbers whom I could not see were lying about in every corner amongst the bundles of straw. Many of those present were evidently respectable farmers. On my entering and seating myself on a chair, a dead silence prevailed, which continued for some minutes, and no one appeared disposed to speak. Thinking that my presence might have caused this, I briefly addressed them, and told them my object in coming amongst them; that as your reporter I sought only to ascertain the truth, and to make it known to the public, and with that simple object and honesty of purpose, I trusted myself, fearless, among them; that I did not wish, nor would I name, nor make any of them known; but would merely give an account of what they said, which I did, and they appeared to be more satisfied.

Having requested my interpreter to repeat to me in English what was spoken, as well as he could, as the speaker went on, I now proceed to give you a report of the proceedings.

The farmer who had addressed me outside was appointed to take the chair. He then said, with the permission of the meeting, he would read to them some resolutions, which it was their object that night to consider. The following resolutions (of which I obtained a copy) were then read:

The Farmers’ Union.

  1. That all farmers and others wishing to support this Union shall be members.
  2. That a Chairman, Vice-Chairman, and Secretary be elected by the majority of the members present to fill their offices gratis, and to be re-elected every six months.
  3. That each person wishing to be a member of this Union shall enrol his name with the Secretary of the Union.
  4. That the amount of rent of each member be entered, and every change in amount to which he as a tenant shall become liable, shall be from time to time entered by the Secretary on his book for that purpose.
  5. That during the sitting of the Union, if it should happen that a member should enter the room at all intoxicated, his expulsion for the time of the sitting shall be determined by the majority present.
  6. That no wanton oath be taken, nor cursing, swearing nor intemperate language used by any member during the sitting under a penalty of ——
  7. That discussion shall be carried on in the Union by motion put to the majority, pursuant to notice given to the Secretary at the previous meeting.
  8. That this Union shall be competent to enter into communication and correspondence with any and every other Union formed upon the same principles and guided by the same views.
  9. That this Union do meet on —— at —— or at any such place and time as the vote of the members present shall from time to time appoint.
  10. That all meetings of the Union be held for the purpose of taking into consideration all grievances that shall affect the Agriculturists and the country in general, and to pass resolutions thereon.

These resolutions were proposed, seconded, and agreed to, and the chairman proceeded to take down the names of the other parties present, who were willing to join the Union.

After a short discussion it was determined that it should be the last public meeting, that in future all meetings should be held in private, and that none but those whose names were enrolled should be admitted.

A resolution was agreed to that the resolutions just passed might be amended afterwards as occasion might require.

It was then resolved “that no person after the present meeting should be admitted to their meetings who was under the age of eighteen years.”

A farmer spoke in strong commendation of the Rev. Mr. Pugh, the Rector of the parish, for having returned to them half the amount of his tithe; and also Mr. David Pugh, a gentleman of landed estate and Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, for having returned 20 per cent of their rents, and hoped that their example would be followed by others.

A farmer highly commended all present for meeting in secret. They could express themselves more freely among themselves than in a public place.

A farmer said they were not afraid of anyone coming to hear them; what they did, they did above-board. They came there to get the burden shaken off their shoulders He proposed that those who held this opinion should raise their hands.

A farmer hoped all those now present would give in their names so as to be able to meet together at a future time.

A farmer thought something ought to be added to the resolutions, so as to state their grievances plainer.

Another farmer: “You must not move any amendments upon the rules till you have become a member.”

A farmer: “All those who wish to become members give your names to the Chairman. If the objects of this meeting do good to any, they will do good to all.”

The Chairman wished to make known a circumstance which might not be known to all — That the Government had sent down Commissioners to look into the way in which their Trustees managed their accounts, and to ascertain where the fault lay; and what the Trustees had done with the money, that the country might know how the accounts stood.

A farmer: “It is one of the best things that ever came into the country to see persons well off in the world come to try to take off the grievances of the poor. This Union among us is a very excellent thing if all join. When they elect members of Parliament they do just as they please, and we have no voice, but here we have. There is no way of putting things to rights till we get up this Union, and then we can do as we please and think best. If we had had this Union many years ago we should be better off than we are now!”

A farmer: “I should not wish any person to think our cause is bad in consequence of our meeting to-night. Had the times been a little better, we might have met in the daytime. But it is not the fear of making known our grievances that causes us to meet at night. The country being in such a state, has caused us to come now, because we cannot meet another time. Our grievances are too numerous to mention, but here we talk to each other and make known to each other things as they really stand. The privilege given to man over animals is to speak, not to fight, and we ought to speak to our landlords with regard to rents being very high, and we ought to speak in consequence of tithes being so very high. We ought to become members of a Union, and by speaking as such to our landlords we can get a remedy. We ought to speak of the poor rates that oppress us so very much, and of those Union Officers’ Salaries that are so very high. And we ought to speak to our landlords about the tolls.”

A farmer: “My friend has said remarkably well, and has spoken according to my own wishes. There are grievances that we have all together. The aristocracy of the County do not see this; we are enough oppressed now, but in addition they are going to fix upon us a rural police. There is a great deal of the poor rates that goes to fill the bellies of Union Officers. My belly is large enough, but there are larger than mine [a laugh — the speaker was a very stout man]. With the addition of the rural police, instead of paying 7s. 6d. in the in rates, we shall have to pay 20s. in the £.”

Another farmer: “If the poor rates were properly expended, it would be very much better for the poor in the Unions. The overseers receive no pay for collecting the rates. They put the money into a cashier’s hands, who is paid for receiving it, and then another person is paid for distributing it to the poor!”

Another farmer: “We are obliged to repair our roads, and if we go only a short distance on them, they make us pay toll.”

The Chairman: “You all have heard of the rural police, and you know where the money comes from to pay them with. It comes from the poor rate. I want to change the term, and instead of calling it the ‘poor rate,’ I will call it the ‘Aristocracy Rate’ [very good]. The Inspector of Police is to have £450 a year — £300 for himself and £150 for house and horse. I fancy £300 is quite sufficient for him and his horses. Let us just look how many working-men this £450 would maintain for a twelvemonth at 7s. per week. It would keep 25 at 7s. per week. Then there were 50 policemen to be placed about Carmarthenshire, which will make it cost us £4000 a year, and our rates will be raised 3d. in the £. Special Constables had been sworn in, as they all knew, but he wanted to know what they were good for [a laugh]. One man who had refused to be sworn in, had been distrained upon by the magistrate for a £5 fine, and two of his cattle had been taken. The magistrates afterwards told him to drop all, but he was afraid this constable would not drop all, as the magistrate wished.

“Mr. Neville and Mr. Chambers of Llanelly had proposed to pay the amount of the public rate levied upon their tenants. This was very creditable to them.” (Hear, hear.)

A farmer: “Don’t you think it proper that we should ask those present who refuse to sign their names to the Union, to state the reason why they will not sign?”

The Chairman: “They will understand that they will not be admitted into our future meetings unless they give their names to-night.”

A farmer: “I wish to know if all present have their names down on the list.”

Another farmer: “I suppose this Union will become general throughout the country, and that everyone will join; but before I give you my name, I should wish to know if the resolutions are legal.”

Another farmer: “I should wish counsel’s opinion taken upon them.”

The Chairman said that another branch of this Union was being established in the parish of Llansadwrn. Some further matters would be decided upon that night week.

A place of meeting was then arranged, business to commence at eight o’clock and finish at ten.

A farmer: “Would it not be a good thing to see whose names are down to-night?”

A farmer: “Any person here who does not choose to give his name must give the reason why.”

A farmer: “I have given my reason.”

The meeting was then dissolved.

The Chairman said to me they had only spoken of some things that night, as they had discussed others before, and that upwards of 200 farmers had given their names before that night to join the Union.

I then scrambled my way back across the miry fields in the dark, till I reached the lane. I stopped a moment to listen, but there was not a sound to indicate that nearly a hundred men were dispersing themselves in all directions within two hundred yards of me. All was darkness and silence. I reached the roadside in about ten minutes, and found it to be past . The landlady said the dragoons from Llandilo were expected every minute to patrol past. I ask, of what use, in such a country, and with a people like this, are dragoons?


  1. Mr. Hall, Chief Magistrate of Bow Street Police Office.

Chapter Ⅻ

Further Riotous Proceedings

Newinngate, ten miles from Cardigan, was attacked by a mob of Rebeccaites, and the gate destroyed, on . The toll-collector’s wife, on looking through the window, was fired at, wounded in the face, and blinded for life. Seeing the toll-man’s coat hanging inside the toll-house, another, under the impression that it was the toll-man himself, fired at it, and thirty slugs were next morning found in it. Hearing the woman groan, they asked if she was hurt; the toll-man answered that he was not, but that they had murdered his wife. They said that was a pity, ordered him out of the house, and made him go with them to the chapel-keeper of a neighbouring Dissenting chapel. The keeper was knocked up and compelled to give to the toll-man a bottle of the communion wine, which they told him to take back to cure his wife.

The Rev. Eleazer Evans, of Llangranog (already referred to), received another menacing letter on . It was not very intelligible, being written in bad Welsh. It contained a request that he should return the advance in tithes, and the law expenses, by a certain day. If he did not do so ’Becca had found a place for his body, and desired him to find a place for his soul — the place for his body was to be at the end of the National Whore (i.e. the Established Church). That he had been a great oppressor since he had been in office; then followed a reference to Judges ⅵ. 27, 28, which is the account of “Gideon taking ten men of his father’s house, and throwing down the altar of Baal. Because he was afraid of doing it by day, he did it by night, and when people got up in the morning the altar of Baal was cast down, and the grove was cut down that was by it, and the second bullock was offered upon the altar that was built.” (The meaning was that the Rebeccaites would destroy his house, and he was the “second bullock,” his curate having been previously attacked.) ’Becca further desired him to read much of the Old Testament, to see whether his conduct was like that of Pharaoh — that he had doubled the tasks of the people. The letter wound up: “Do not you suppose that I am an idle old woman. I have not been brought up in idleness, and I am determined to have justice done, in spite of the world, the flesh, and the devil. — ’Becca.”

The Vicar, in consequence of these threats, was obliged to sell his farm, stock, and everything he had except his household furniture. His wife was almost worried into the grave. They dared not retire at night without having a wardrobe moved to the window, as a protection against firearms.

In the early hours of the long-looked-for attack on the Porthyrhyd Gate was carried fully and amply into effect by Rebecca and her daughters. This renowned lady and her companions arrived there about , the force numbering about 300. They came from five different directions, seemed to be well organised, and arrived simultaneously on the spot.

The gate in question was strongly built, and the pillars made of Welsh oak, twenty-seven inches in diameter. There were several special constables keeping a look-out, who over their cans and pots were remarkably valorous, and had even gone so far as to express their determination not to be driven into flight by any visit which Rebecca might think fit to make. On the arrival of the party, or rather their approach towards the gate, away bolted these sworn protectors of the peace. Ianto’r Gwehydd, Jacob Thomas, and two or three others at once made off, and the toll-man, one Dick Morganwg, also deemed it prudent to follow the example set him, for he, as well as the constables, made himself scarce with all possible dispatch.

Rebecca arrived with her daughters, and at once commenced operations. Saws, hatchets, and crowbars were set to work, and the muscular power of the men, with the way in which they exchanged work, enabled them to demolish the gate, toll-bar, and toll-house by . The wall in front of old Mother Powell’s house, “The Nelson,” was partially destroyed, and the poor old lady was obliged to get out of bed to supply the Rebeccaites with ale, the money being returned to her in the different cups. The leader, who was on horseback, with his face blackened, intimated to Mrs. Powell that she need apprehend no injury, as they would neither molest nor wrong her. She, on this, requested that the wall in front of her house might not be further destroyed; when Rebecca with uncommon sympathy intimated, that had she made the request a little sooner, not a stone belonging to her wall should have been removed.

Their next visit was to a shopkeeper named Davies, who resided near the gate. There they requested to be supplied with powder and percussion caps. Davies sent down his servant, but Rebecca issued her mandate requiring the presence of the girl’s master, and gave him one minute only to make his appearance. He obeyed, and supplied them with what they required, on which he was again allowed to retire to rest, without any further interference. They then attacked the house of the blacksmith, who had previously said he would face fifteen of the best Rebecca boys, and who also had been sworn in as a special constable; according to his own statements he was a man devoid of fear.

The smith — fearless man of Vulcan — had, however, departed; but smash! went in his door and windows, and his deserted smithy was practically destroyed. At the outset of these proceedings the toll-man “Dick” contrived, by running over ditch and dell, to warn a parish constable, one Evan Thomas, otherwise “The Porthyrhyd Lion,” of his own mishap, as well as the peril to which he thought him exposed, Evan being somewhat unpopular in the neighbourhood.

On receiving this hint, away bolted “Ianto,” scampering over the ditches and fields until he found a cow-house where he lay concealed in anxious suspense the remainder of the night. Notwithstanding the retreat of “Ianto,” about seventy of the tribe visited his domicile, smashed in his windows and doors, destroyed his shelf and dresser, and all his crockery, as well as the spokes of a new cart, put a cheese on the fire, cut down some of the trees in the garden, and then simultaneously raised the cry, “Alas! poor Ianto!”

A gentleman of the name of Cook, a steward of Mr. Adams, of Middleton Hall, was returning to his own house, and passed through a division of about forty persons. He was enabled to give warning to the toll-collector, and also Evan the constable, the latter of whom, if found, was to have his ears cut off. In the course of this riot the Rebeccaites damaged the windows of the Coburg Inn at Porthyrhyd; but later enclosed in a letter sufficient remuneration, at the same time making this apology — “that it was the error of some of the younger branches of the family.”

These riotous proceedings caused considerable excitement and alarm, although intimation had previously been given that the destruction of this gate had been contemplated. The different persons in the neighbourhood who were sworn in as special constables for this particular hundred, on , gave up their staves, with the determination of refusing on any future occasions to interfere with the movements of Rebecca or the protection of the toll-house. The following doggerel verses, composed by some country poet near Porthyrhyd, may not prove uninteresting:—

Poor Ianto the Lion they all failed to find,
His cheese and his butter were left too behind,
Farewell to his crockery, and spokes of the cart,
His life he thought sweetest, and then made a start.

The Lion, though frightened, lay still among cows,
And now well ashamed has made many vows,
If ’Becca will pardon his former offence,
He’ll not meddle with Toll Gates on any pretence.

Yn mysg y Constebli ’roedd Constab lied smart,
Hwn ’ddwedai’r ymladdai a’r hen Bonaparte:
Ond pan ddaeth Rebecca at Gate Porthyrhyd,
’Roedd Dick o Forganwg mewn llewyg yn fud.

The smith had thought proper to make his retreat,
Good-bye to the Tollhouse, farewell to the Gate,
’Roedd udgorn Rebecca yn swnio fel cloch,
A chwatodd y chwiwgi yn gymysg a’r moch!

On , Llandilo Walk Gate, about a quarter of a mile from Llandilo and immediately under Dynevor Castle and Park, was completely destroyed by the Rebeccaites, and the toll-house almost entirely demolished. These worthies took the Llandilo folk completely by surprise; it was presumed that because a troop of the 4th Dragoons was stationed there, and the gate and toll-house narrowly watched, they would hardly have ventured their lives, on the chance of capture, in the hazardous attempt of destroying the gate. They, however, arrived at their usual hour, and proceeded with the work of destruction with less noise and hubbub than on any former occasion. The force was considerable, for in the short space of fifteen minutes the gate was entirely demolished, the toll-house unroofed, and the walls practically destroyed. The Rebeccaites then quickly dispersed, leaving the ruins of the toll-house and gate as evidence of their daring and lawless proceedings. It is to be regretted that the dragoons, who were so near the spot, had not proper intimation of this boldest move of the ’Becca family, as in all probability the leaders would have been captured.

A troop of the Castle Martin Yeomanry marched from Newcastle Emlyn to Cardigan on .

witnessed the destruction of Penygarn gate a third time. This gate, about seven miles from Carmarthen, had been visited by the Rebeccaites . They destroyed it, and pulled down the toll-house. Subsequently the house was substantially re-erected, and a new gate was put up. A month afterwards, the gate was a second time visited, and was again completely destroyed; owing, however, to the gate-posts being lined with iron, the Rebeccaites had so much trouble with the work of destruction, that they did not interfere with the toll-house that night. On , however, they, for the third time, paid this place a visit. The toll-keeper, having heard that the Rebeccaites had threatened to destroy the toll-house that night, removed his furniture to the roadside, hoping that it would be allowed to escape. About twelve o’clock, ’Becca and her daughters, true to their threat, surrounded the house. The toll-collector, fearing their approach, concealed himself in the neighbourhood. The Rebeccaites took the furniture again into the house and set fire to it, and the collector, hearing them say they would burn him too, took to his heels and escaped. The toll-house was completely pulled down, and was left a mass of ruins.

On a troop of the 4th Dragoons marched from Llandovery to Lampeter, and a troop of the same regiment marched from Llandilo to Llandovery.

The Carmarthenshire adjourned Quarter Sessions were held in the Town Hall, Carmarthen, on . Colonel Trevor proposed that Captain Richard Andrew Scott be appointed Chief Constable of the Rural Police of the County of Carmarthen. This was agreed to without a dissentient voice.

a company of the 75th Regiment marched into Carmarthen from Llanelly.

William Davies of Pantyfen, farmer, was apprehended on by David Rees, constable, at his own house. He was supposed to be one of those who burnt Penygarn Gate, and underwent examination in the County Gaol.

About two years previous, a respectable freeholder of the county of Carmarthen had taken advantage of the condition and weakness of one of his female servants, who subsequently gave birth to a boy. The unfortunate girl had no means of proving the paternity of the young one, according to the provisions of the Poor Law Act. She was consequently obliged to shelter herself at Newcastle Emlyn Workhouse, where she was confined, and where she had to remain for a considerable time. Even when she was discharged, she was under the necessity of maintaining the child herself.

The facts of the case reached the ears of the now renowned outlaw Rebecca, who at once resolved to befriend the betrayed girl, and to correct the evil under which she groaned in a summary but ingenious way. About midnight on the deceiving freeholder was awakened from his slumbers by a rattling noise which intimated the approach of a carriage, and which was soon driven up his farmyard to the house he occupied. A thundering rat-tat at the door gave him to understand that his presence was at once required. He jumped out of bed and proceeded to answer the call of his visitors. Opening the front door, he saw a black footman taking down the steps of the carriage, and opening its door. A lady, very gaily attired, emerged, with a child in her arms. She entered the house, and introduced herself to the farmer by the name of Rebecca, saying that she had brought with her his own child, to which his servant girl had two years before given birth, and which child he was required henceforward to take care of, and bring up respectably as he had been brought up himself; further adding that she, Rebecca, would keep a sharp eye upon his conduct to his child. Should she find him wanting in the duties and obligations of a parent, a second visit would be paid him, when he would be taught to rue his disobedience to this imperative direction. The astounded farmer at once promised obedience in the most implicit manner. Rebecca delivered up the child to the father, who fondled and affectionately caressed it. Rebecca then expressed herself as satisfied, shook hands with the farmer, stepped back into her carriage and rapidly drove off. The father subsequently carried out his promise honourably.

On , Mr. Francis M‘Kiernin, innkeeper, and George Laing, publican, both of Llanelly, were apprehended and brought up before the Llanelly bench, charged with having taken part in the destruction of the Sandy Turnpike Gate, Llanelly, on . They were committed to take their trial at the next Assizes, but admitted to bail.1


  1. Vide Commissioners’ Report Rebecca Riots, p. 358.

Chapter ⅩⅢ

An Address to the Inhabitants of Conwil Caio in the County of Carmarthen and the adjacent Parishes1

Address

My dear Friends,

I have for many years resided amongst you, during which period I can truly state that I have not intentionally been guilty of any act of tyranny or injury towards any of you, nor have I at any time offered you advice which I did not conscientiously believe to be for your future advantage. I do not make these statements in order to elicit from you any praise, but as an apology for the course which I, as a private individual, take in thus addressing you, in the hope that the recollections of the reciprocal good feeling which has hitherto existed between us, will induce you to view in a kind spirit this slight effort which I make with sincerity for your benefit, and to believe that I am actuated by no other motive in making it, than an ardent anxiety for the common good of our common country.

The notoriety of the destruction of property, to a large amount, by the hands of considerable multitudes of people illegally assembled under the shelter of night, is such that I need not remind you of it; I sincerely hope that none of those whom I address have been induced to lend their aid in the conduct of those criminal proceedings; the punishment which the law awards to those who may be found guilty of the crime which now so generally disgraces our country is well known to you; but it may be, that it has not been considered by my misguided countrymen, that, however artful may be the means which they have taken to secure themselves from immediate discovery, their crime ceases not to exist legally, save with their own existence, or until it be expiated by legal punishment; that in years yet to come, anyone in the hope of reward, or to avenge some fancied insult, or some unintentional injury, may lay information against those who have joined these illegal assemblies, cause them to be torn from their homes, arraigned at the Bar of their country, and if convicted, to be exiled from that country to undergo a term of abject slavery, where no friend can condole with them of their ignominious sufferings by one kind word of consolation; but if they do escape punishment, is it a matter of small moment to lead a life of endless apprehensions; of constant dread that the messengers of justice are about to seize them as their victims, and of continual thraldom to those whom they know to be cognizant of their crime? Can any threat of present danger, which is said to have been offered to compel the presence of the otherwise well-intentioned at these unlawful meetings, be compared to the life of terror which must ensue from your attendance at them — or to the unceasing anxiety consequent on your participation in their guilt?

The consequence of these riotous proceedings must also be attended with considerable pecuniary loss to us all; already it has been deemed necessary, for the preservation of peace within the county, to apply to the Government to establish a rural police, a measure which will materially add to the amount of our local rates; already have applications been made to the magistrates of some of the hundreds of the county, to compensate the injured parties for the loss they have sustained by the illegal destruction of their property; and hereafter, unless the existing riotous proceedings are suppressed, all the expenses incidental to the repair of the roads must fall on the occupiers of the land, an expense which, with regret (for I am equally interested with yourselves) I state, must be great and constant; whereas if any grievances had existed, and a proper representation had been made to the Trustees of the different districts of roads, I feel satisfied that it would have met, and will still meet with attention, and where redress could, it would have been given. But on this point I must call to your recollection that the Trustees have a double duty to perform, a duty to the persons who make use of the roads, and a duty to those who have advanced money, either to form those roads, or to render them of greater utility to the country; they must hold the scales of justice even between these two parties, every disposition has been evinced to give you an opportunity of judging whether they have acted fairly between the public and the mortgagees of the toll. If you have not availed yourselves of the opportunity afforded, you ought not to condemn them without enquiry; if you have made use of the means of judging placed within your reach, and can find no cause to accuse the Trustees of partiality, you should endeavour strictly to protect the property entrusted to their care from lawless and riotous depredation, and even should you, on investigation, suppose grievances to exist, and that the Trustees have been led into error, let me entreat you to prevent, by all your influence and your persuasion, any attempt to redress such supposed grievances by force, and to represent to the Trustees the grounds on which you have arrived at such a conclusion; I think I may promise you a patient hearing, and if all you require cannot be granted, that reasons founded on the principles of strict justice, will be laid before you to justify the refusal.

The ostensible cause of the riotous proceedings which have taken place in the country, seems to have been the exaction of toll at the various gates placed on the turnpike roads, Now I do not believe that you, nor yet any of my fellow countrymen who have so disgracefully transgressed the law by the illegal destruction of property, are actuated by motives of dishonesty; but should these proceedings be successful, they must have a dishonest result. I am fully aware that there is an apparent hardship in calling on those who pay turnpike tolls to aid in the repair of the turnpike roads, still if the revenue derived from the tolls be shown to have been fairly administered, and yet to be insufficient to pay the interest due to the mortgagees, and to repair the roads, the Trustees have no other mode of keeping those roads in repair than that of calling for assistance from the occupiers of land in the different parishes in which the roads are situate, else they must allow the roads to get out of repair, the effect of which would be an indictment and a consequent increase of expense to the parishes; but I am addressing some whose memory can extend so far back, as to recollect the state of the roads to have been such that scarcely a waggon, or even a cart, was kept by any farmer in the neighbourhood. Within my own recollection, I think I may fairly state that the same weight which was formerly conveyed by three, if not four, can now be conveyed by two horses, let me then seriously ask you; is this of no advantage to you? Whether in diminishing the number of horses you were formerly obliged to keep, or if you still keep the same number, in enabling you to use some of them on your farms, instead of sending them to the road to convey lime or coal, or in enabling you with the same number of horses, in a much less space of time, to carry an equal supply of lime, and if it be an advantage, of which there can be no doubt, that advantage you have obtained, from the capital laid out in the formation and improvement of these roads, and from which capital the owners rightly expect a fair return. But is it just, is it honest in those persons who travel over those roads, now to turn round to the Trustees, and say, “It is true that you have vastly improved these roads, and we must confess that they are advantageous to us; but that advantage we can grasp, you cannot prevent us, and we will do all we can by force and by cunning, to obstruct in levying the tolls required to pay the interest of the capital expended, although we reap the benefit of that outlay.” I am very much deceived, if any one of those I address would not agree with me in branding such a proceeding with the stamp of dishonesty, fraud and injustice. I hope, too, that I am not wrong in believing that those who have violated the law, would have abstained from such a course had they considered the subject with that reflection which it deserved.

There are also reasons which I might deduce from the truths of our holy religion, and urge to induce you not only to preserve the peace yourselves, but also to use your exertions to excite a similar feeling in others: but I am satisfied that the Pastors of the different congregations of Christians, of which you are members, will not fail in that duty, which bids them impress those Divine Precepts strongly on your minds.

I have now endeavoured to direct your attention to the personal risk which those persons incur, who associate themselves with the illegal assemblies prevailing in the country; to the pecuniary loss which we must all sustain by their proceedings, and to the dishonest result which must arise from their success. I therefore earnestly request you for your own sake, for that of your families, and should these considerations not be of sufficient weight, I entreat you, as you would wish to preserve unsullied the character of our common country for honesty, and justice, not to be induced by any persuasions or threats, to join the illegal meetings of these misguided men; but on the contrary, to use your best exertions to repress, and by your utmost influence to dissuade others from attending them, by which course, believe me, you will not only perform your duty to yourselves, and to your neighbour, but also to the community at large.

I am, my dear Friends,
Your sincere well-wisher,
John Johnes.

Dolau Cothi, .


  1. Printed by William Rees, 3 Market Street, Llandovery, .

Chapter ⅩⅣ

A Farmers’ Meeting

It being known to the authorities that a meeting of the Colliery Rebeccaites was to take place at Llangendeirne, the dragoons were ordered out on , and Doctor Bowen, the magistrate appointed for the night, accompanying them, they proceeded thither. On arriving at the place, the dragoons found everything quiet, and were unable to discover the place of meeting. After remaining there between two and three hours, the dragoons returned. The meeting was held at a field’s distance from the road. About 250 persons were present, and were seated in a circle, under the shade of some trees — thus escaping detection. They came to the resolution that inasmuch as they had assisted the farmers in the reduction of rents and turnpike tolls, they should now call upon them to reduce the price of butter, and other agricultural produce, and insist upon the publicans reducing the price of beer. It would thus appear that the Rebeccaites were now splitting into sections, according to their different class interests.

The detachment of the 73rd Foot, which had been stationed at the workhouse in Carmarthen for three months, marched from that town at , and arrived at Llanelly about , after a hard walk in the rain, and, of course, well drenched.

Since the destruction of the gate at Bwlch-clawdd, a chain had been put across the road at the place where the old gate stood, and a person was appointed to receive the tolls there. Rebecca could see no difference between a gate and a chain, as both took money out of the pocket, and she determined to get rid of the chain also. Therefore, on she collected her forces, about 200 in number, all mounted on horseback, and well armed with cutlasses and guns. About twelve o’clock they arrived at the place, and the chain, posts, etc., were immediately destroyed. Then, to divert themselves, they had a sham fight, and the charges they made on each other were truly terrific; guns were discharged in all directions, and fire flashed from their swords as they met in combat, so that nothing was to be seen but fire and smoke. Some people, who had assembled to watch their proceedings, actually thought that a conflict between them and the dragoons had taken place, and they were much frightened at the spectacle, fully expecting to have the dead and wounded carried off the field in a few minutes. But in this they were disappointed, for Rebecca and her troops suddenly wheeled about, and were immediately out of sight.

As they were all dressed in white gowns, girded round the middle with sword-belts, and large straw hats on their heads, they presented rather a warlike appearance. The gateman decamped at their approach, or he would probably have been compelled to take the oath never to receive tolls again.

Some of Rebecca’s scouts were sent to reconnoitre this gate on . Finding that workmen had been employed in replacing the gate and re-erecting the toll-house, they, according to ancient custom, “smote upon their thighs,” vowed by their mistress’ shoe-tie that toll should no longer be collected there, and cautioned “Dick Morgan wg,” the toll-collector, to beware of them; for if he continued to take toll, dire vengeance would assuredly be taken, and he would be made to repent his contumacy.

Dick (the deceitful rogue) promised compliance, but apparently, having perfect confidence in his light heels, which had so well served him on a former occasion, remained at his post, and exacted toll as usual. Of course, the audacity of this subordinate of the lessee could not be borne the majesty of Rebecca’s mandates was not thus to be insulted. Accordingly, on , at a very early hour, a strong party of “Grey Coats” made their appearance at the spot, seized Evan, the constable (an official rather unpopular with these gate-levellers) in his bed; compelled him to turn out in his shirt take a pick in his hand march before them to the gate and begin the work of destruction with his own hands! which they soon completed. Thus was this gate a third time destroyed. The poor constable, alias the “Lion of Porthyrhyd,” was kept in custody for some time longer by the party, and made to swear upon his knees that he would never more, directly or indirectly, meddle with, or interrupt, Rebecca and her daughters. The party soon afterwards fired off their guns, huzzaed, and dispersed.

A public meeting of freeholders, farmers, and farm labourers was held on at the schoolroom in the parish of Llannon for the purpose of taking into consideration the distressed state of the country and the best means to be adopted to restore confidence and prosperity. The curate of the parish, the Rev. —— Rees, was unanimously called to the chair. Rents were declared to be much higher than they should be. The new Poor Law, the salaried officers and the poor houses were particularly condemned. The meeting lasted for a considerable time, and all the proceedings were conducted in a most peaceable manner.

Late on a special messenger brought information to the local authorities of Swansea that Rebecca and her multitudinous offspring had assembled in alarming numbers on Fairwood Common, Gower, and requiring the presence of the military instanter to prevent the destruction of the whole peninsula! The detachment of the 4th Light Dragoons stationed at Carmarthen was accordingly brought into requisition, and mounting their neighing steeds dashed off, as they thought, in the direction in which they were needed; but after proceeding for some miles, and finding they had mistaken the place of meeting, they halted. In a short time the officer in command, accompanied by Mr. Grove, a county magistrate, overtook the party, and put them in the right direction. Upon reaching the Common, all that they learnt, or saw, or heard, was that about 200 persons had been seen in the neighbourhood late that evening; whether they were gone, or whether they were disposed to imitate the mad pranks of Rebecca’s followers, were points upon which no person was able to give satisfactory information. Some of the county police, who had arrived at the common a full hour before the dragoons, said they found nothing “to obstruct their passage across the heath,” all being quiet, and the rain descending in torrents. The officer in command gave orders for returning to Swansea, where they arrived about , thoroughly drenched. A dragoon, who was somewhat late in joining his comrades, owing to the darkness of the night, got bewildered among the heath and bog, and with the utmost difficulty extricated himself, and proceeded along the road.

On a meeting of freeholders, farmers, and farm labourers was held in a schoolroom in the parish of Llanedy, Carmarthenshire. They resolved to petition the tithes-owners for a reduction in the tithes, the present amount being oppressive. They condemned the Poor Law and the existing Corn Laws, and, indeed, any laws which tended to cramp and fetter commerce. They decided also to beg landowners to reduce rents. Everything passed off peaceably.

A deputation of farmers of the Conwil district, having waited upon The Times correspondent, stated that owing to the rapid progress of Mr. Hall, the Commissioner, through the country, they were unable to state their grievances before him, and requested that gentleman (the reporter) to appoint a time for meeting the farmers, in order that their complaints might be laid before the public through the columns of The Times: was appointed for the meeting in the village of Conwil. There were present deputations from each of the parishes of Abernant, Llangeler, Conwil, Trelech, and Newchurch, in number about a hundred persons. The meeting was held in the long room in the inn, capable of holding one hundred, and it was quite filled. The proceedings commenced with a request to the reporter of The Times, that as the inquiry was to be made before him, he would take the chair.

Mr. Hugh Williams, the attorney, briefly stated the grievances of the farmers, as comprising oppressive tolls, objections to the new Poor Law, high rents, increased county rate and tithes, oppressive fees, and contumacious behaviour on the part of the magistrates of the county. At the request of the chairman, each farmer then stated his opinion of their existing grievances under the above heads, without any leading or prompting questions being put to them, and Mr. Williams took no further part in the statement, Mr. Edwards, the landlord of the inn, having volunteered to act as interpreter. The farmers then proceeded to state a number of most oppressive extortions of tolls on the Newcastle Emlyn Trust — that those who cut turf on the mountain in passing through the Wernfach Gate to Newcastle, were compelled to pay one toll on passing through the Gate with their turf, and if, on their return, they brought any article whatever in their carts, they were compelled to pay double toll for a fresh load. One farmer said he had been compelled to pay again on his return for having a kettle in his cart. Another, who carried two loads of turf to Newcastle, had paid 6d. toll for one cart, drawn by two horses and two bullocks, and 4½d. toll for another cart drawn by three horses. Having had ten bundles of thatch given him at Newcastle, in value about 1d. or 1½d. per bundle, he divided them between his two carts, and on his return was again compelled to pay 1s. for one cart, and 9d. for the other, thus paying 1s. 9d. toll for a load not worth at most more than 1s. 3d. Others complained that if they went the straightest roads from their farms to the market, they were fined for not going through turnpikes, which it was out of their way to go through. This had been repeatedly the case at the Bwlchclawdd Gate. With regard to the new Poor Law, the farmers said generally, that in the country districts it was more expensive, and fewer poor received less relief. The poor looked on the workhouse in the same manner as they (the farmers) did on prisons. After much to this effect, the chairman put it to them, through the interpreter “whether if they had the power, they wished to return to the Poor Law as it formerly existed, in preference to the present law.”

The meeting rose, and raising their hands said, “Yes, to-morrow, if we could.”

With regard to county rates, the farmers complained that though the price of agricultural produce was less, the county rate was nearly double what it was five or six years ago. This they attributed to the building of walls and other improvements, to please particular individuals. With regard to tithes, they complained that the Tithe Commutation Act, instead of being a relief to them, had doubled the amount of tithe, and stated that it would be a great relief to them if they could pay their tithe in kind.

With regard to rents, the farmers stated that the present amount of rent was based on the prices given some years ago for agricultural produce. Formerly a farmer could get £10 for his beast and 1s. a lb for his butter. Now he could only get £6 for his beast and 6d. a lb for his butter, and yet rents remained the same. The farmers, many of them, after working hard, could not get the necessaries of life, and not one shirt to change for another.

With regard to magistrates’ and their clerks’ fees, the farmers stated that fees were most oppressive, that when they had business with the magistrates they were treated with the greatest indignity. One farmer said “they were treated by the magistrates more like brute beasts than human beings.” It was better to go before a lawyer to settle their differences than to go before the magistrates. The lawyers cost them a good deal, but going before the magistrates cost them much more.

The chairman then put it to them, if any political grievances had anything to do with their dissatisfaction, and if they were enabled to live comfortably, and had the grievances complained of redressed, would the present disturbances be continued? The whole meeting again rose, and holding up their hands said, “Redress these grievances we have complained of, give us simply justice, and not a soldier or policeman would be required to protect property.” Votes of thanks were then given to the chairman, for his attendance, and the meeting separated.

On another instance of Rebecca’s care for bastard children occurred at Carmarthen. David Moses of Ffynondeilo, a respectable farmer in the vicinity of Cothy Bridge, had had an illegitimate child a few years previously, and it had been put to nurse with a woman called “Shan Ionath,” wife of John Evans (Skippo), of Carmarthen, where it remained till . On that date the child’s mother called on Skippo, and desired him to take the child to her father’s house; the father also lived near Cothy Bridge. Her instructions were carried out immediately. When they arrived at that place, they were joined by Rebecca and about 200 of her children, who accompanied them to the house of the farmer; they were told that he was not at home, but after searching, they found him hiding in a field close by. They took him back to the house, and delivered the child to his care, with a strict injunction that he should look after it henceforth. This he promised faithfully to do, and after caressing the child in the most affectionate manner, he delivered it to the charge of his wife, who seemed highly amused at the adventure. Rebecca expressed herself as quite satisfied that she would take proper care of the child. He was then desired to pay Skippo for conveying the child home, and to give him some meat and drink, which he did cheerfully. Afterwards Rebecca and her companions departed, and Skippo was left to wend his way back to Carmarthen.

About a great number of Rebeccaites suddenly made their appearance at Croes-lwyd, within two miles of Carmarthen. The gate and the toll-house at this place had been demolished , and a chain had since been put across the road. A person had also been stationed there to receive tolls, attended by his men from Carmarthen to guard the place. At the approach of Rebecca and her children the guards fled, and left the toll-man to shift for himself. One of the guards hid in a potato field till all danger was over.

The chain and posts were soon destroyed, and the rioters, who were all disguised, then dispersed.

a meeting of the farmers of Llanarthney parish was held in the village of Llanarthney, at which the Rev. H. Williams, the minister, consented to take £100, in lieu of the £150 due from the parish to him.

Mr. Price, of Neath, and several ladies of the Society of Friends from Darlington, visited Carmarthen about this time, in order to endeavour to pacify the county. They held a meeting at Water Street Chapel, when the ladies addressed a numerous congregation on the benefits of peace and the horrors of civil war.

A great number of rioters assembled on Llandebie Common on , and completely destroyed the enclosures which had been made there, and which they considered to be encroachments on the rights of the people. This was the second time for these enclosures to be levelled.

Another common — Crugebolion — in the parish of Trelech, Carmarthenshire, had been enclosed by some of the adjoining farms (Tretoisaf, Treto-uchaf, Cwmblewog, Ffynonwen, and Blaen-gilfach).

Rebecca and some two hundred of her assistants assembled there one morning, armed with mattocks, pickaxes, spades, and shovels, and in a few hours all the long and high hedges on the common were pulled down and made level with the ground. The gang on this occasion was led by several men, well attired, on horseback.

(The Common of Crugebolion has been in the possession of the parish ever since.)


Chapter ⅩⅤ

Attacks on Private Houses

The Rebecca outrages, which had been practically confined to the destruction of gates, now spread to that of private property, and the endangerment of human life. On the morning of , the village of Llannon (Carmarthenshire) and the surrounding neighbourhood was the scene of an outrage of the most daring character. the inhabitants of Llannon were alarmed by the shouts of an immense body of the Rebeccaites, consisting of about 500 persons, who were passing through the village. The majority of them had on women’s clothes, or shirts over their dresses; all of them were disguised by having their faces blackened, the leader, or “Rebecca,” being mounted on a horse, which, contrary to the ordinary usage, was not a white one, but a bay or some dark colour. Rebecca was dressed in white. Nearly all the party were armed with guns, which they repeatedly fired in their progress through the village. Several horns were also in full play, and a number of rockets fired. There was also a kind of carriage in the procession, the lamps of which shed a lustre over the crowd, and lighted the apartments of many of the villagers, who were afraid to leave their bedrooms, thus to obtain a better view of the procession. When the party arrived near the end of the village, where one road leads to the Pontardulais highway, and the other towards Llanelly, Rebecca, who had previously given several orders, cried out, “Silence!” The party immediately left off firing guns and blowing horns. They then decided to take the Llanelly road, which also led to Gellywernen, the house of Mr. Edwards, the agent of Mr. Rees Goring Thomas, who was lay-impropriator of the tithes of the parish. Mr. Edwards had for some time past had the management of the collection of tithes. When the party had proceeded as far as Morlais Bridge, they halted, and remained there for about an hour and a half, waiting for another division which was to come from Mynydd Selen. During the whole of the time the blowing of horns and firing of guns and rockets were kept up without intermission. ’Becca, thinking the party to be rather behind time according to their engagement, accompanied by several others on horseback, proceeded for about three-quarters of a mile on the road along which the second party was expected to come, until she met them. A third party, from some other direction, also joined them. They afterwards proceeded towards Gellywernen House, the party by this time amounting to 700 or 800 persons. Their vehicle remained on the bridge.

Upon the arrival of the rioters before Gellywernen House, they repeatedly fired off their guns. Mr. Edwards, who had for some days been confined by illness, was in bed in one of the rooms upstairs, in which there was a light. Hearing the firing, and being greatly alarmed at seeing so large a crowd, Mrs. Edwards asked what was the matter. What did they require? At this a shot pierced the window, several panes of which were broken. Mrs. Edwards, who had cautiously avoided standing immediately in front of the window, fortunately escaped injury. She went to the window a second time, and received a similar answer. Another shot was afterwards fired towards the door of the room near which Mrs. and Miss Edwards stood, both of whom fortunately escaped unhurt, although the marks of shot were very thick upon the door. Several gunshots were then fired in succession into the bedroom, the evident aim of the rioters being to injure seriously, if not indeed to murder, Mr. Edwards, who, as before stated, was in bed. Happily their endeavours were not attended with success, for, although parts of the walls were so thickly marked with shots and slugs that scarcely a square inch was free from them, while the windows and curtain were thickly perforated, Mr. Edwards escaped untouched, the rioters standing too low to enable them to fire into the bed. Some guns, however, must have been discharged by persons standing on the court wall, as there were marks of shot at a distance of half a yard from the pillows on which Mr. Edwards lay, while those which were fired from the ground of the yard could not take effect much lower than the ceiling. Another window in the back part of the house was also broken by gunshots which had passed through the front window. There were in all fifty-two panes of glass broken in five windows.

Greatly alarmed at the dangerous position of her father, Miss Edwards, at considerable personal risk, came downstairs and went to the door, at which there was a kind of porch. Several large stones were immediately thrown at her through the glass, but none of them struck her.

Some of the party called out in Welsh that they would not injure Miss Edwards or her mother, but that “they would not set a greater value on her father’s life than a feather thrown before the wind, and they would have their tithes lowered.” Miss Edwards appealed to their humanity, and told them her father was exceedingly ill, and confined to his bed, but that they might see him on any future day. This had its effect, and having fired a few additional charges, they left the house. While these outrages were carried on at the house, several of the mob forced open the door, and entered the beautiful walled garden adjoining the house, where they committed devastations of a most disgraceful character. Nearly all the apple trees and wall-fruit trees of different kinds, were entirely destroyed, being cut to pieces or torn up from the roots. The various plants and herbs with which the garden abounded were all destroyed, and a row of commodious greenhouses, extending from one side of the garden to the other, was attacked, and a large quantity of glass broken with stones.

A party of the desperadoes proceeded to the house of William Barrett (or Bassett), the gamekeeper, who resided in a woodland cottage, a short distance from Gellywernen House. On hearing their approach the gamekeeper, against whom they had sworn vengeance, fled for refuge in the wood, leaving his wife and children at home. The Rebeccaites, on entering the house, discharged a gun or pistol containing powder only, nearly into the face of the wife, who had a child in her arms at the time, and who was by the shot slightly wounded.

They then broke the clock, a very good one, an old pier-glass which had been handed down for several generations, the chairs, table, and all the little furniture the poor people possessed. They also carried away the gamekeeper’s gun, and 10s. or 12s. worth of powder and shot, and previous to leaving took from the drawers all the clothes of the family, which were torn, trodden upon, and partly burnt. They then left the place, after firing several times. Several of the painted doors, leading from the road to the plantation, were destroyed by the Rebeccaites. When they returned through Llannon it was . A proclamation was afterwards issued, offering a reward of £500 for information that would lead to the conviction of the offenders.

A meeting was held by Mr. Price, of Neath, and Lady Friends from Darlington, in the Magistrates’ Room, Carmarthen, on , when several magistrates were present, who listened attentively to their exhortations. They visited that part of the country on Rebecca’s account, as a deputation from the “Society for the Promotion of Universal Peace.”

The following effusions, together with a printed paper, headed, “The Perfect New Government, by the Second Moses,” were received on by the keeper of the Sandy Limekiln Gate, near Llanelly, enclosed in a letter, bearing the London postmark:—

Behold!

Oh Sir, place this1 as we implore,
Upon the Church and Chapel door;
And honour thus Jehovah’s name,
When all the Jews adore the same:

By whose almighty blest decree
The poor are set for ever free;
Or hereof at your peril fail
Where blood and fire fools assail:
Amen!

Alas! Alas! poor Jenkin Hugh,
We see your Gate is broken through,
But there’s great work for all to do,
And if you think in jokes we deal,
A wound may come which none can heal,
We never take God’s name in vain,
And He alone shall prove it plain.
Amen!

No wonder you did not understand our last letter; and still less wonder if you are quite blind to this letter. Nevertheless take it, and pray God to give a little bit of Christ’s eye-salve, if you believe the 3rd chapter of Revelation and the 18th verse, and if not, you may die, and deplore it for ever, and you can never say it was our fault. No, no, but the fact is, the world is blind. “The blind lead the blind, till they all tumble together into the ditch,” and the ditch is nothing but Hell according to 15th Matthew 14.

John and Daniel,
Brothers.

About , the toll-house of Glangwili Gate, near Carmarthen, was surrounded by about 200 Rebeccaites, who began shouting and yelling. They compelled the gate-man, David Joshua, to commence the work of destruction. The gate, being very strong, resisted their efforts for a considerable time, but ultimately the posts were sawn through and the gate smashed to pieces. They then attacked the toll-house, which was speedily brought almost to the ground, the roof and walls being thrown in upon the furniture and stock-in-trade of David Joshua, who was a bookbinder.

The house soon presented a ruinous appearance, and the furniture and tools were buried beneath a heap of rubbish. Joshua was attacked by the Rebeccaites, struck several times with a hatchet, and otherwise severely abused; while some country constables who were with him guarding (?) the gate, took to their heels, and made the best of their way towards the town! An express was sent to Carmarthen for the military, and the dragoons were instantly called out, and went off at a dashing pace for the scene of the riot. The sisters seemed to have taken measures very well, taking every precaution to avoid surprise, two of the party being placed as sentinels — one on the main road to Carmarthen, and the other upon an elevated site, from which he had a view of the road leading to Abergwili. The passage along the main road to Carmarthen was obstructed by the destruction of Glangwili Bridge by a recent flood. When at some distance from the place of their destination, the dragoons heard the report of a gun, which was probably fired by one of Rebecca’s sentinels as a signal of the approach of the military. When the latter arrived on the spot, they found the gate and toll-house destroyed, but no trace of Rebecca or her children. In the course of the day the gatekeeper was examined before some of the county magistrates, when he stated his ability to identify four of the party, against whom warrants were issued, viz. David Thomas, of Penlan, Llanllawddog (farmer), Benjamin Richards, Llynydd Styfle, Carmarthen (carpenter), William Jones and Arthur Arthur, of the village of Abergwili (labourers).

A letter published about , from D.W. Joshua, Glangwili Gate, contains the following:—

Behold! disastrous days have come; yea, days are these when men are traitors, hot-blooded, and bombastic, loving to commit outrages during the dark hours of the night. Hardly a night passes without hearing of the destruction of toll-gates here — possessions fired there — and — what is much worse — treacherous attacks on the lives of those who venture a word of protest against the Rebecca movement. Among others who have been the object of sinful attacks by the thieving workmen of the night, I have become at last an object of visitation.

the destructive goblins descended on the toll-gate of Glangwili, and in a short time they completely destroyed everything; they stole from my house £9 19s. 5d.; they burnt many of my valuable books, in order to have light with which to carry out their thieving actions — not only that, but when I escaped from their clutches, one shouted, “Shoot him! Shoot him!” and another attempted to strike me with an axe.

Yours — rendered a pauper because of the above circumstance,
D. W. J., Glangwili.

.

A great public meeting was held on the summit of Mynydd Selen, a mountain in the parish of Llanelly, on . Upwards of 3000 men attended the meeting, and William Chambers, junior, was elected chairman. The declared objects of the promoters of the meeting were to take into consideration the dreadfully depressed and retrograde deterioration of the people in the neighbourhood, with a view to remedial measures; to specify the particular grievances which pressed most severely upon them; to make known their wants and wishes in a legal and peaceful manner; to denounce the course pursued by ministers as too futile to meet the exigencies of times requiring firm and honest measures; and, lastly, to memorialise the Queen for a dissolution of Parliament. The meeting was very peacefully conducted; it lasted four hours. At the conclusion, three cheers were given for the chairman; another three for Hugh Williams, who took an important part in the meeting, and “three cheers for the Queen,” which were given in a style worthy of Welshmen.


  1. Alluding to the printed papers.

Chapter ⅩⅥ

“Some Exciting Incidents”

The following address was issued by the “London Peace Society” to that portion of the Welsh people known by the name of “The Rebeccaites,” about the end of :—

Brethren, — It is with serious concern we have heard of recent acts of violence perpetrated in Wales, and it is now in a Christian spirit of affection and of sorrow that we venture to address you. We inquire not here into the causes that may have led into those acts; we do not here seek to point out the penalties of the law to which you are exposing yourselves, but we appeal to you on a higher principle, and would place before you the spiritual, the eternal dangers you incur by such conduct. You, in common with ourselves, propose to be followers of the Prince of Peace; but how can the work of violence and destruction be reconciled with the meek, gentle, and peaceable spirit of Christianity? No two things can be more opposed. You have set at defiance the laws, by obedience to which social peace and order are preserved — you have forcibly opposed yourselves to the constituted authorities — you have violated the laws of God — whatever the end may be that you propose to yourselves, know you not that we are forbidden to do evil that good may come? The moral power with which men have been endowed may be exerted in strict conformity with the Christian religion; and if it be directed to a true and good object, it will, by the blessing of God ultimately prevail — Pause and reflect, we beseech of you — “Consider your ways” — Remember that in an attempt to gain the things of a day, you are risking the welfare of eternity.

A rumour reached the magistrates of Haverfordwest that the spirit of Rebeccaism was spreading rapidly among the inhabitants of the neighbouring district. Some wiseacres in the vicinity of little Newcastle and that neighbourhood, thinking themselves sufficiently powerful, made arrangements for a demonstration of their united forces to take place on . Each village and farmhouse sent forth its aspirants for the cap of their venerated mamma. The tributary gatherings of this stream, having met at a small roadside pot-house, called “The Three-Cornered Piece,” distant four miles from Haverfordwest, placed sentinels to prevent any lights being brought to the door, outside of which they were drawn up, “for they loved darkness rather than light, because their deeds were evil.” Having been regaled with sufficient swipes to screw their courage to the sticking place, they boldly marched forward; but little did these feather-bed warriors think that a spy was in their camp! In the midst of their carousals and consultations, this “chiel” was taking notes, and having made himself acquainted with their numbers, he forthwith proceeded to Haverfordwest in sufficient time to give the Mayor notice of their approach.

That worthy functionary instantly repaired to the Prendergast Gate (accompanied by the constabulary force), the gate being the object that this predatory band intended to destroy.

Onward they came — ’Becca leading the way, some fifty yards in advance, with a “twice-barrel” in her hands, and dressed in a fantastic style. When she reached the gate, the mayor, deeming it prudent to prevent the main body coming up, gave instructions for an immediate attack, and the gun of this modern Jezebel, like the gates of Somnauth, became the object of their capture. Williams, the police officer, instantly laid hold of the weapon, for which ’Becca struggled manfully, keeping her seat on horseback all the time; but the officer being the stronger man, succeeded in wresting the gun from her grasp. One of the barrels was, however, discharged by accident, and killed a horse of one of the daughters.

The courageous matron deeming discretion the better part of valour, made a scrambling retreat, being fully convinced that

Those who fight and run away
Will live to fight another day

the truth also flashing across her mind that

Those who are in battle slain
Will never rise to fight again.

Away she scampered with her motley crowd both on foot and horseback amounting to nearly 300 men, not so quickly, however, but that two of her offspring were taken prisoners.

Their countenances were very black; their headgear — composed of an “ould cawbeen,” as Paddy would have called it — was firmly secured on their heads by means of firm lashings. They were, after divers examinations and cross-examinations, bound over, to render themselves up for trial at the next Assizes, in securities of £50 each, the prisoners being under age.

Time discloses almost all things. The owner of the gun which Williams captured, proved to be one Thomas, a game-keeper, residing not far from Ford Bridge. As the day of destruction to the feathered tribe drew near, its want was most unpleasantly felt. For a gamekeeper to be seen in search of coveys without his gun was indeed most laughable. But how did Thomas lose his gun? Through sheer indiscretion while endeavouring to be discreet. He was appointed the Rebecca for the night, and having with the rest got as far as Colby Scott, he there halted, and signified the necessity of his going across the fields into the Cardigan road, and thence to Prendergast to espy what strength opposed him. He handed the gun, for safe custody, to a neighbouring farmer’s son, by the name of Davies, with strict injunctions to remain there until his return. These orders were unheeded. Davies, having the gun, urged those around him to follow. They obeyed, and Davies armed and mounted on a splendid charger, thought to earn and wear the laurels himself. How he marched — how he was stopped — how he lost his gun, and how he galloped away crestfallen and disgraced, have already been chronicled.

On some Rebeccaites paid a visit to a gentleman in the parish of Llanegwad, who had a large quantity of old corn in his possession, and told him, unless he immediately sent the same to the different markets to be sold, they would soon find a way to dispose of it.

The same night a visit similar in character was paid to an old gentleman farmer, who was intensely eager to make as much money as he could, and who resided near Haverfordwest. In his mode of amassing wealth, he had thought fit to retain in his haggard the produce of two harvests. Now it is well known the poor want bread, and that as cheaply as they can get it. To hoard up, unnecessarily, bread which gladdens man’s heart, was, according to Miss Rebecca’s ideas, a most heinous crime, and completely against her peace and the statutes of her realm. She therefore in propria persona, in her best robes, yea, even with golden droppers in her ears and drawn in her carriage, with the usual retinue of servants, waited on the aforesaid farmer on , and was admitted to a tête-à-tête with him. Her mission was dispatched in a few moments. She informed him that her desire was that all the corn in straw should be threshed, and the clean grain brought to market , that the poor labourer might have a chance to purchase it at a moderate price, or she would, in a few days, assist in the removal.

The farmer promised implicit obedience to her commands, and fully carried out his promise to Miss Rebecca.

David Joshua, the toll-man of the Glangwili Gate, having put together the fragments that remained of his household furniture, prevailed on a countryman with whom he was well acquainted to assist in removing the same to a room he had taken in a yard, called “The Round House Yard,” near the Guildhall, Carmarthen. He arrived near the square about , when the town mob surrounded the cart, and were about to cut the horses’ traces, and deal out “Lynch Law” on the poor countryman for merely assisting the toll-man, when Mr. Nott kindly interfered. With difficulty he assisted the poor carter in saving his cart and horses from the vengeance of the people. Joshua’s troubles were not yet ended, for his furniture was nearly all destroyed, his books and papers were strewn throughout the square and Lower Market Street; and had he not by some means escaped to a place of concealment, he undoubtedly would have been severely ill-used. The police interfered, and assisted in removing the ruins that were left of his already destroyed furniture, but were unable to disperse the mob, or to persuade them to go home for more than an hour after the first outbreak.

A temporary shed had been erected for the purposes of the collector Joshua soon after the destruction of the Glangwili Toll-gate; but on , although the Sabbath Day, some of the Rebeccaites set to work chopping up the remaining fragments of wood, which they at once set on fire and burned to the ground. The dragoons were soon on the spot, but they saw nothing of Rebecca, although the embers of the fire and the destruction of the shed bore evidence of her visit, or rather visitation.

David Thomas, of Penlan Llanllawddog, was apprehended on , Richards on , and William Jones and Arthur Arthur on . One of the prisoners, proved by witnesses, whose veracity could not be doubted, that he was in his house the whole night of , and that in the early part thereof he went to fetch a midwife, afterwards remaining at home, his wife being confined at the time.

On Richards was committed to take his trial on the capital charge; he was committed to bail. the other three were fully committed to take their trial at the next Assizes on the charge of felony.

On , a part of the grove of fir trees belonging to Mr. Howell Davies of Conwil, on the farm at Blaenffrwd, was cut down and completely destroyed.

The same night, Rebecca, and about 400 of her family, paid a visit to the farm of Penybank, in the parish of Llanarthney, and compelled the person who was in possession of the furniture and farming stock for her attorney under a bill of sale to leave the place. They then made him promise never to make his appearance on the premises again, giving possession to the person owing the money.

On some miscreants set fire to two mows of wheat. These were in a field near King’s Lodge, on the road to Llandilo, and were the property of Lord Dynevor. They were entirely consumed.

On Rebecca also visited the farm of Kencoed, in the parish of Llanegwad, the property of Seymour Allen, Esq., of Cresselly, but then in the possession of Mrs. Davies. She had another farm under lease from the same landlord called Penyrhoel, which she underlet to Charles Davies, who was in arrears of rent. In consequence she put in a distress through her attorney, Mr. Popkin of Llandilo, who sent down two of his bailiffs to execute it. This they did, removing the cattle to Kencoed for better security. About half-past twelve o’clock Rebecca and her family arrived at Kencoed, and called at the house. Mrs. Davies appeared and asked them what they wanted. They said they wished to know where the cattle were.

Mrs. Davies, out of fear, sent the servant to show them the cattle, when they at once removed them, returning them to their different owners, for they had been placed at Penyrhoel to graze.

David Joshua, the Glangwili gateman, had evidently incurred Rebecca’s unending displeasure, for on he found the following notice stuck on his gate:—

I’ll be damned if I will not be with you, and send your soul to the infernal crew — ’Becca.

Green Castle Side-gate was destroyed some time before, as was also a chain which had been subsequently placed there. On the toll-house was taken down and entirely demolished, the gate-keeper being allowed to remove his family and furniture, as Rebecca did not wish to injure him.

David Joshua, and a person whom he had attacked with a sword for refusing to pay toll, made their appearance at the Town Hall on . The plaintiff alleged that David Joshua snapped a gun at him three times, and when he found that the load would not go off, he fetched his sword and cut him severely on the head and arm, his wounds being visible at this time. David Joshua denied having used a sword, and said he had only a constable’s staff in his hand. One of the magistrates, in the course of a conversation, observed that it was useless for him to attempt denying that he had used a sword, for he had examined the wounded man himself, and would swear that he had been wounded with an edged instrument, and that the man had also a surgeon’s certificate to testify as to the nature of his wounds. The magistrate also observed to Joshua, that they had every desire to protect him in the discharge of his duty, but that he had taken the law into his own hands, and must abide the consequences.

He was indicted at the Assizes, under the “Cutting and Maiming Act.” This man David Joshua was the person who had figured some time previously in Carmarthenshire as a hired Chartist orator; and had delivered a most treasonable speech at the celebrated Chartist Lamplight Demonstration in Carmarthen, about .1

Rebecca and four of her daughters, all dressed in white, and otherwise disguised, had paid a visit to a respectable farmer in the parish of Abergwili, who had committed a faux pas with one of his servant maids, and afterwards neglected his offspring. Rebecca addressed him in a very friendly manner, but insisted upon his taking the child home, under pain of her (Rebecca’s) displeasure. She said that unless he complied with her request, she would certainly pay him a different visit the following night. The farmer faithfully promised to obey her orders, and very early on he fetched his child home.

A meeting of the ratepayers of the parish of Llandeveilog was held at Raymond’s Lodge on . Mr. Edwards of Gelli took the chair. The following grievances were submitted:

Grievances.

  1. The Highway Act ought to be reformed.
  2. The Gates are too numerous, and the tolls too high.
  3. Poor Law:
    1. The overseers ought to pay the poor.
    2. This is to be done under the directions of the guardians.
    3. The guardians ought to choose and pay all the Officers connected with the Workhouse.
    4. There ought to be no separation of man and his wife.
    5. The old law was better in the cases of bastardy than the new.
    6. The accounts ought to be passed before Justices as before.
    7. The Chaplain ought not to have any salary.
  4. Tithes:
    1. The meeting wish that the tithes go towards keeping the poor and the Church.
    2. The tithes ought to be paid according to the annual value of the land.
    3. They ought to be reduced at least 3s. or 4s. in the pound.
  5. Church rates ought to be amended.
  6. Church and State:
    1. They ought to be separated.
    2. The laws should defend religion the same as in Madagasgar and Haheite.
  7. County Stock:
    This meeting thinks the same with regard to this grievance as the Mynydd Selen meeting did.
  8. The Corn Law ought to be repealed for a year or two to try how it can be done without.
  9. There ought to be no Bye-laws in the Highway, the Gates, the Poor, the Tithes, and the Income Tax.
  10. Every parish to choose its own Minister, as in Germany.
  11. The Archbishops and Bishops have better work to do than to be in the House of Lords.
  12. No Clergymen nor Preachers are wanted in the Workhouse, if the Guardians do their duty faithfully.
  13. The Law of the Land to be amended in many other particulars.
  14. Income Tax:
    It is a great folly to raise a Tax with this name to it.
  15. The D.V.J. Tax:
    The meeting thinks Sir Robert Peel will take off this tax, if asked to do so.
  16. Soldiers are serviceable where they are wanted, but they are not wanted here.

The meeting was adjourned to , to be then held at Alltcynadda.


  1. David Joshua was by trade a bookbinder. He was at one time employed by D. M. Jenkins, chemist, Newcastle Emlyn, in connection with “Cyfaill y Werin,” and also by Josiah Thomas Jones, Aberdare. I believe he died at Aberdare. ―H.T.E.

Chapter ⅩⅦ

Destruction of Pontardulais Gate — Capture of Rebecca and other Rioters

The Swansea Authorities having received secret information that an attack would be made by Rebecca and her daughters upon the Pontardulais Turnpikegate on a certain night, arrangements were made by Captain Napier for the purpose, not of protecting the gate itself, but of capturing the ringleaders while in the act of destruction.

A small police force — one superintendent, two sergeants, and four constables — left Neath on , and proceeded across the country to Lougher. Upon Lougher Common they were met by Captain Napier (chief constable), and shortly afterwards by Mr. Dillwyn Llewellyn, Mr. Lewis Dillwyn, Mr. William Chambers, of Llanelly, Mathew Moggridge, Esq., and Mr. Attwood.

About they saw a rocket explode in the air, and at the same moment heard firearms discharged in various directions. Bugles were also sounded, being probably the signal of the Rebeccaites for gathering.

The magistrates and policemen moved on silently and unperceived, halting within a short distance of Pontardulais Gate, the bugles and firearms of the Rebeccaites continually sounding. Within a few minutes of a large body of men, principally on horseback, was seen advancing towards Pontardulais Gate from the direction of Llannon; as they approached, they repeatedly fired their guns and cheered. When they got opposite the Red Lion Inn, where Mr. Griffith Vaughan resided, they fired a general volley, and gave three loud cheers. They then advanced, firing and cheering, to the gate, which they knocked to pieces in about ten minutes, and then instantly commenced tearing down the toll-house. By this time the magistrates and policemen had reached the spot, and called upon the rioters to desist. The appearance of an imposing force seemed to astonish, but not to alarm the rioters, who instantly called upon each other to be “true till death,” and fired at the police, who were not long returning the salute. The rioters then fired away at their opponents as fast as they could, without method or order, by which, fortunately, they did no injury, but by their unskilfulness several of their own party were wounded. The police then fired a second volley; and the rioters scampered off in all directions, leaving their wounded companions upon the ground. The police pursued them and captured several.

To capture the ringleader was the aim of the magistrates, consequently the person who acted the part of “Rebecca” on this occasion was particularly marked — his horse shot under him, and he himself taken after a desperate resistance. He had one arm broken, and sustained other injuries. His name was John Hughes, a respectable farmer’s son and a resident of the village of Llannon in Carmarthenshire.

After the fight was over, and the prisoners secured, an express was sent off to hasten the arrival of the military, as the reassembling rioters were again firing off their guns and blowing their horns, apparently with a view of reassembling their scattered party, and attacking the police at the gate, but fortunately no further attack was made.

About half an hour after the express had been sent off a party of eight dragoons arrived at the gate. Mr. C. H. Smith, Mr. V. P. Cameron, and Mr. William Cameron were shortly afterwards at the place. The sound of horns was heard incessantly in all directions among the surrounding hills, but no Rebeccaites were to be seen.

It was then found there were seven men in custody, three of whom (including Hughes) had been taken in Glamorganshire, and four in Carmarthenshire. The first-mentioned three were taken to Swansea, and the four were conveyed to Llanelly, escorted by the dragoons. Three horses were also captured and conveyed to Swansea.

There were upwards of 150 men engaged in the attack on the gate, the majority being on horseback.

On the arrival of the prisoners at Swansea great excitement prevailed among the townspeople. In the fight Hughes had received a ball on the outer side of the elbow-joint, which crushed the lower end of the bone of the arm, and, passing upwards, was extracted at the back part of the arm, midway between his elbow and the shoulder. David Jones, one of the other men, had received some shot or slugs in the back, and three sword-cuts on the head. He was in a very precarious state.

Dr. Bird immediately attended the wounded prisoners, and did all that skill and humanity could suggest to alleviate their sufferings. He extracted the bullet from Hughes’s arm, and then very kindly conveyed him in his carriage to the Infirmary at the House of Correction. In the pocket of the leader, Hughes, were found a quantity of percussion caps, powder, etc., about £3 in money, and the following ’Becca notice:—

Daniel Jones of Brynhir—

Meet us at Llan on , if you don’t this shall be your last notice — ’Becca.

Shortly after, the third prisoner, dressed in most fantastic manner, having an old straw bonnet trimmed with a red ribbon upon his head, was led down to the House of Correction by two policemen, followed by some hundreds of persons. Some of the weapons with which the rioters were armed were taken to the Swansea Police Station House, and most formidable ones they were — heavy bars of iron, hedge sticks, pitchforks, in fact, everything that was available, either as an instrument of offence or defence.

Armed with such weapons, even without firearms, so large a body of men must have been a formidable enemy; and when it is considered that the majority of the rioters were on horseback, and armed with guns, the cool and steady valour displayed by the magistrates, Captain Napier and his half-dozen men must be admired.

Some persons, supposed to be part of the mob that attacked the Pontardulais Gate, , set fire to a stack of corn, the property of William Chambers, Esq.

A great number of Rebeccaites attacked Sanders Bridge Gate, near Kidwelly, on . They completely demolished it in a short time. They were all disguised and well armed.

a stack of straw near Mr. Chambers’ pottery was burnt to the ground.

A large party of Rebeccaites also visited Fishguard, and completely destroyed the Fishguard and Parcymorfa turnpike-gates; scarcely a vestige was left, and on the departure of the rioters they warned the toll-collector not to levy any more toll at those gates.

Destruction of Hendy Gate, and Murder of the Toll-Collector.

About a party of men, disguised in white dresses, came to Hendy Gate, about half a mile from Pontardulais, carried out the furniture from the toll-house, and told the old woman, whose name was Sarah Williams, to go away, and not to return. She went to the house of John Thomas, a labourer, and called him to assist in extinguishing the fire at the toll-house, which had been ignited by the Rebeccaites. The old woman then re-entered the toll-house. The report of a gun or pistol was soon afterwards heard. The old woman ran back to John Thomas’s house, fell down at the threshold, and expired within two minutes, without saying a single word. She had received several cautions to collect no more tolls.

. An inquest was held before William Bonville, Esq., Coroner. Two surgeons, Mr. Ben Thomas, of Llanelly, and Mr. John Kirkhouse Cooke, of Llanelly, gave evidence that on the body were the marks of shot, some penetrating the nipple of the left breast, one in the armpit of the same side, and several shot-marks on both arms. On the external end of the left clavicle there were two shot-marks, one on the left side of the windpipe. There were several on the forehead, and on the external angle of the right eye. Two shots were found in the left lung. In spite of all this, the jury found “that the deceased died from effusion of blood into the chest, which occasioned suffocation, but from what cause is to this jury unknown!!!”

John Hughes (chief of the Rebeccas), David Jones, John Hugh, William Hughes, and Lewis Davies, were on committed for trial at the next Assizes for Glamorganshire for the riots at Pontardulais Gate. Thomas Williams and Henry Roger — his farm servant — were admitted to bail, and liberated (see further on).


Chapter ⅩⅧ

A Petition to the Queen

At Maesgwenllian near Kidwelly, several bailiffs were put in possession for arrears of rent to the amount of £150, but about , Rebecca and a great number of her followers made their appearance on the premises, and after driving the bailiffs off, took away the whole of the goods distrained on. As soon as daylight appeared, the bailiffs returned, but found no traces of Rebecca, nor of the goods which had been taken away.

the tax-collectors at Parcymorfa and Fishguard gates, not heeding Rebecca’s warning on , took toll as usual. This exasperated the lady to such a pitch that she sent notices that they should remove their furniture from their houses, as she would visit them on ). Accordingly she did, about . From 400 to 600 arrived at Fishguard Gate, went to work at once, and completely destroyed the toll-house. They then proceeded to Parcymorfa Gate, and ordered the collector to remove his furniture in five minutes, and then instantly pulled the house down, razing it to the ground. They next proceeded to pay a visit to Mr. John M‘Kennel, the road surveyor, and in going fired several rounds of musketry opposite Mr. Henry Collins’ house, warning him to behave properly, otherwise they would visit him also. They levelled a piece of wall which Mr. M‘Kennel had built around his garden to the ground, after which they departed By this time there could be no less than from 2000 to 3000 assembled in Fishguard, but not a single person dared to go near, or face this renowned lady and her numerous offspring during the time the work of destruction was being carried on. Mr. Mortimer, a surgeon, made himself rather too free by going very near the party. The lady advanced towards him and fired off a pistol in his face; but as it contained powder only, he was not injured.

About , Rebecca and three of her companions paid a visit to the village of Felinwen about three miles from Carmarthen, to correct what she called the evils of the new Poor Law. A young woman of that place, of the name of Jane Jones, had had the misfortune to have a bastard child from a person who resided somewhere near Wernderlwyd, Llangunnor. The father had contributed nothing towards the maintenance of his offspring. The woman resided at the home of David Morris, smith, at that place, and when Rebecca called, the smith was in bed. Rebecca knocked at the door, and was admitted. As soon as she and her companions entered the house, she awoke the smith, putting him on his legs, and jocosely asking him if he knew her; to which the smith answered “No.” Rebecca and her companions were elegantly attired in women’s clothes; and Rebecca herself had a beautiful gun in her hands, to which she put a cap, after turning herself round so that the smith might have a fair view of her person. The girl was then called, and was desired to lay her right hand on the lock of the gun, and make her oath most solemnly as to the father of the child. This having been done to the satisfaction of Rebecca, the girl was desired to put herself in readiness against a future night, when they would call to convey the child to its father, the mother also to accompany them. She wanted to excuse herself, and said she could not walk so far, but they told her they would find a cart to convey her — that there were plenty of carts in the village, and if any of the owners showed unwillingness to lend one of them, they would make him come back with them and be the driver himself. To this the girl replied that she would accompany them with the greatest pleasure.

The Rebeccaites then left the house, proceeding up the road towards Llandilo, and in a short time fired two shots. Notwithstanding that Rebecca behaved so civilly, the smith was so frightened that he was wholly unable to resume his occupation the following day.

Some miscreants set fire to two ricks consisting of about sixty tons of hay, valued at £200. They were the property of Ed. Adams, Esq., of Middleton Hall, and were entirely consumed.

An express was dispatched to Carmarthen for the military, but it was too late for their services to be of any avail in stopping the conflagration or in arresting the offenders.

An attack was expected to be made on the mansion itself , and an express was again sent to Carmarthen for the military. A troop of infantry was conveyed in carriages to the Hall with the greatest dispatch. A troop of the 4th Dragoons also went over, but returned in a few hours. Mr. Adams and the whole of his family left Middleton Hall the same evening for Carmarthen.

On a great meeting was held on Bank Llyn Llech Owen,1 on the mountain between Swansea and Carmarthen, to consider the various local grievances, under which the county had long suffered, and the course it would be best to adopt to seek redress. About 2000 individuals attended. At the end of the meeting there were between 3000 and 4000 present.

A petition to the Queen was voted, the chief points in it being:—

  1. Turnpike Tolls were complained of as being very heavy. Prayed that all Turnpike Trusts might be consolidated and placed under one management, which would regulate the distances that Gates were to be placed from each other.
  2. New Poor Law bitterly complained of. Prayed that the old Law might be with certain modifications re-enacted.
  3. Tithes to be as formerly, either in kind or in money, according to option.
  4. County Stock greatly added to the burdens of the farmers.
  5. Legal and magisterial fees were exorbitant.
  6. Stipendiary Magistrates prayed for, to prevent any suspicions being attached to the administration of Justice. At present Magistrates were indiscriminately appointed, regard being taken only of the income of the party appointed, and not of his qualifications to fill the office.
  7. Assessed rental prayed for, also all tithes, local taxes, etc., should be charged on the land and not on the tenant.
  8. Petitioners expressed themselves convinced that no good would be done the country by the existing Parliament, and prayed Her Majesty to exercise her prerogative, and dismiss it, and call another which would evince greater sympathy with the people.

When put to the meeting, every hand was held up enthusiastically in its favour, and on reversing the question not one appeared. After returning thanks to the chairman, Mr. J. Morgan, for his able conduct in the chair, and giving three hearty cheers for the Queen, they separated.

Mr. Chambers’ farm at Mansant was set on fire by the Rebeccaites. All the farm produce and outbuildings were apparently ignited simultaneously. A body of dragoons arrived there from Carmarthen at , having galloped all the way; but they found they were, as usual, too late to be of service in preventing the conflagration. An intelligent non-commissioned officer of the detachment sent on this service, said that, on arriving on the spot, they found all but the dwelling-house enveloped in flames, which had reached such a height as to defy all human efforts to subdue them. From hence he could plainly discern the flames of the still burning ricks which had been set on fire on at Mr. Chambers’ farms at Tynywern and Gellyglynog, and he described the scene as awful and painful in the extreme. Rebecca, having threatened to burn the house at Tynywern, some soldiers were also stationed there, but no attempt was made to carry the threat into execution. Mr. Chambers also had a valuable horse shot on , the one which had been rescued from the burning stable at Tynywern.

was destroyed on . An alarm had been given that it was Rebecca’s intention to pull down a small weir near Felingigfran. Consequently the marines, about , marched down to protect the weir, and during their absence the Rebeccaites embraced the opportunity, and succeeded in demolishing Llechryd Weir. Though the weir had stood for ages, and braved many a mountain flood, yet it was destroyed in about fifteen minutes. There were about 300 Rebeccaites present. While the marines were returning from Felingigfran, the rearguard were three in number, two of whom were a little in advance; the third, who was behind, fell in with a party of Rebeccaites on a crossroad. He was asked if he had a musket. He said, “Yes.” “Is it loaded?” “Yes.” “Capped?” “Yes.” “Take off the cap,” Which was done. He was then marched off to a neighbouring public-house, treated to some ale, and discharged. He arrived at Cardigan about two hours after his comrades.

Llechryd Weir was the property of Thomas Lloyd, Esq., of Coedmore, held by a royal grant, and at this time leased to A. L. Gower, Esq., of Castle Maelgwyn.

Carregsawdde Gate, in the parish of Llangadock, was also destroyed on by a party of Rebeccaites, armed, as usual, with offensive weapons of every description. Instant death was threatened to the toll-collector if he dared to open the door which they had fastened on the outside, with instructions to two sentinels to guard. The gates and posts, toll-tablet and lamp were destroyed in the usual way, and the windows of the toll-house were smashed in. It was at first intended to pull down the toll-house, or set fire to it, with the inmates inside, but this was abandoned, supposing the military were not far off. By this party on the same night, and in the same parish, three other gates, Waunystradfeiris, Pontprenaneth, and Pontarllechan were destroyed for the third time.

, Pontardulais Gate, or rather Bar, which had been erected to serve the purposes of a gate, was knocked down. On it had been watched with the most jealous vigilance, but ’Becca was too wary. it was levelled.

It had been previously rumoured that for some weeks past a number of disaffected persons were in the habit of holding nightly meetings on various hills in Cilgerran parish, at which they were regularly trained in Rebecca’s tactics, but for what purpose was a mystery, as there was not a single turnpike-gate in the parish. However, about , the mystery was solved, by the march of a great number of men in disguise through Cilgerran village, well armed with saws, guns, etc., on their way to Porthyrhyd Gate, about five miles from Llandovery, on the road to Lampeter. This gate was soon destroyed, leaving only about nine inches of the stumps of the posts above the ground. From this place they proceeded towards Dolau hirion Gate, about a mile from Llandovery, clearing as they passed every vestige of the posts of some bars which had fallen into disuse some years before. When they arrived at Dolau hirion Bridge, they waited for a short time, either for the purpose of taking rest, or to ascertain whether all was right. At the word given by their leader in the English language, they fell to work, and both gates shared a similar fate to that at Porthyrhyd. There were several houses near the gates, before which stood sentries with loaded guns to prevent the egress of the inhabitants. Several shots were fired into the toll-house, through the windows, which were thereby completely shattered. Next morning the thatched roof of a neighbouring cottage was observed to be strewn over with burnt wadding from the number of guns which had been fired.

A notice was fixed on the door to apprise the toll-collector that his gates were destroyed because the trustees had reerected some other gates, and if he or anyone else presumed to raise any new tolls at the place he should be shot.

The Rebeccaites then moved off along the road leading to Cilgerran, and soon disappeared. Mr. Richards, collector of the tolls, received a notice from ’Becca through the Post Office on , ordering him not to demand any more tolls at the gates which he had rented, otherwise his life would be endangered. The whole of Lord Paget’s troop of 4th Light Dragoons was during the above occurrences snugly reposing only a mile distant from the scene of action.

On a party of Rebeccaites assembled and set fire to a house and premises near the Black Mountain, in the hamlet of Gwynfe, Llangadock, and the property of John Bevan, Esq. Dwelling-house and buildings were burnt down. The premises had only just been leased by a person in the neighbourhood, and it is reported the outrage was committed because the man had taken it without the knowledge and consent of the Duffryn Union. £100 was offered for such information as would convict the perpetrators.

The corn and hay in the haggard at Dolhaidd were set on fire on .


  1. N.B. The “Cambrian” gives the place of this meeting as “Carnfig,” about a mile on the Llandilo road from Cross Hands, Carmarthenshire.

Chapter ⅩⅨ

The Law in Motion

On a night attack was made on the turnpike-gate leading from Builth to Rhayader, about a quarter of a mile from the former place. The gate was taken away, and very much damaged, and the windows of the toll-house completely destroyed. If an alarm had not been given by some persons who were coming at a late hour from their work in the neighbourhood, serious damage would most likely have occurred.

A bailiff to Mr. James Thomas (Jeremy Genteel) of Llandilo, who, it would seem, was down on ’Becca’s black list of the law, being in possession under an execution against a farmer living at Ffosgrech, Llanfynydd, was on suddenly called to his account. This, not being satisfactory, he was himself levied upon under ’Becca’s mandate — tied up hands and feet, and committed to the next common pound at Brechfa. There he lay till , when ’Becca ordered his discharge from custody, on payment of a fee of 4d. to the pound-keeper (the ancient common law fee on releasing animals), and on making a morning’s meal of the process of the law, and entering into his own recognizances to keep the peace towards all her children for twelve months. Sufferings and associations sometimes beget extraordinary sympathies, even in such as had been callous to merciless inflictions — even in the bosoms of bums; for the one in question became a strenuous advocate against cruelty to animals and solitary imprisonment!

About Rebecca’s sister, Charlotte, with about 250 followers, presented themselves at the turnpike-gate at Cwmdwr, a short distance from Llanwrda (Carmarthen). They summoned the old woman who collected the tolls out of bed, and gave her the choice of removing her furniture out of the toll-house, or of allowing it to be burnt, as it was their intention to make a bonfire of the gate-posts and house. The articles of furniture were accordingly removed by the old woman and her son who lived with her, during which time the gate and posts were broken up sufficiently small to make the requisite firewood; which, being placed inside the house on the straw of the old woman’s bed, were set on fire. The party then marched off to Llansadwrn village, where they purchased some gunpowder and flints from Mr. Davies, the shopkeeper, and with this fresh stock of ammunition they surrounded the Vicarage house, the residence of the Rev. J. Jones. He and his family were roused from their slumbers by a volley. This was followed by incessant striking at the door and a demand for the presence of Mr. Jones to speak to Miss Charlotte, as she had a particular message to convey to him from her sister Rebecca.

When Mr. Jones appeared she gave him the alternative of removing his furniture out of the Vicarage within ten minutes, that the house might be set on fire; or that he should pledge his word that he would not take into his possession a few fields which he had bought some months previous, and which adjoined the Vicarage; as it was contrary to ’Becca’s law that he as a clergyman should hold any lands. Either the barn or the Church, but not both, was the peremptory fiat of Queen ’Becca; and backed, as her vicegerent was, by some hundreds of well-armed attendants, ready to perform her commands, Mr. Jones was compelled, as a matter of personal safety (not wishing to have his house burnt over his head) to comply with ’Becca’s commands. He therefore engaged that the tenant who had occupied the fields should be allowed to retain possession of the same at a reduced rent, the amount of which was then stipulated. After having extorted these terms from the worthy vicar’s just fears, the party left the place, not one of them being recognised.

a body of the A division of the Metropolitan Police, under Inspector Tierney, succeeded in capturing two of the most daring characters in Carmarthen concerned in attacks on private property. The circumstances were as follows: A few nights previous, an attack had been made upon the Gwendraeth Iron Works, at Pontyberem, by a number of men. They surrounded the house between one and two o’clock in the morning; and having fired several shots, commenced battering at the door, demanding to have the managing clerk, Mr. Slocombe, brought out to them. His wife presented herself at an upstairs window, demanded who they were, and what they wanted with her husband. The answer of the leader was: “I am Rebecca, and we demand to see him instantly.” The wife, however, firmly refused, stating that her husband was not there. Finding that they could not gain admission, they said, “Mr. Newman” (the proprietor of the works in whose house Mr. Slocombe resided) “has behaved well, and we will not hurt him, but if Mr. Slocombe is not out of the country within a week, we will make him a head shorter.”

They then fired some more shots and made off.

Several persons who were present at the outrage had been forced from their houses to join them, and consequently information was given to the magistrates that the ringleaders were two men of notoriously bad characters, named John Jones, alias “Shoni Scuborfawr,” a man about thirty years of age, who had been a prize-fighter, and David Davies, alias “Dai y Cantwr.” Before they proceeded to Mr. Newman’s house, they had met on the Bryn Dyleth Mountain, and having separated, they had gone by the way of Pontyberem and Trimsaran, pressing men to join them. After arriving at a house called the “Stag and Pheasant,” they disguised themselves, and proceeded to Mr. Newman’s. In consequence of this information, warrants were granted, and placed in the hands of Inspector Tierney, who, with eighteen men of the A division, and accompanied by a person who was familiar with the country, scoured the mountains, searching every public-house, and near the Five Roads they succeeded about , in apprehending David Davies. He was immediately handcuffed and conveyed in a cart to Llanelly, where he was placed in the custody of the military at the workhouse. further efforts were made, and about the ruffian Jones was apprehended at a place in the mountains called the Tumble. Both the prisoners were then conveyed to Carmarthen for examination.

On , the two men were brought before the magistrates at the County Gaol, when several witnesses preferred charges against them. They were remanded till .

. The men were remanded till .

Early on , a farmhouse and buildings, the property of D.H. Harris, Esq., called Nantyranell, near Llanwrda, was razed to the ground by Rebecca. The tenant who rented it had made himself obnoxious to Rebecca’s children, of whom there were about 150 engaged on the destruction of the house.

. A proclamation was agreed to at a Privy Council held by Her Majesty, Queen Victoria, at Windsor Castle. It reads as follows:

By the Queen. Proclamation Victoria R.

Whereas in certain districts of South Wales, more especially in the counties of Pembroke, Cardigan, and Carmarthen, tumultuous assemblages of people, disguised, and armed with guns and other offensive weapons, have taken place by night, and outrages of the most violent description have been committed upon the lives and properties of divers of our subjects; and whereas in contempt of the restraints of law and order, these tumultuous assemblages have pulled down toll-gates, and have violently entered and destroyed toll-houses; and whereas they have also attacked the mansions of individuals, extorting from them sums of money by threats or by violence, and have destroyed by fire the hay, corn, and other property of divers of our subjects; we therefore have thought fit, by, and with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation; hereby strictly commanding all Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Under-Sheriffs, and all other Civil Officers whatsoever, that they do use their utmost endeavours to repress all tumults, riots, outrages, and breaches of the peace, and to discover, apprehend, and bring to justice the persons concerned in the riotous and wicked proceedings aforesaid, and we do strictly enjoin all our Liege Subjects to give prompt and effectual assistance to our Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, Under-Sheriffs, and all Civil Officers in their endeavours to preserve the public peace; and as a further inducement to discover offenders, we do hereby promise and declare, That any person or persons who shall discover and apprehend, or cause to be discovered and apprehended, the author’s abbettors and perpetrators of any such incendiary fires as aforesaid, or of any such outrage upon the person of any of our subjects by which life shall have been sacrificed, so that they or any of them shall, be duly convicted thereof, shall be entitled to the sum of five hundred pounds for each and every person who shall be so convicted, and shall receive our most gracious pardon for the said offence in case the persons making such discovery as aforesaid shall be liable to be prosecuted for the same, except he be the actual perpetrator of such outrage or of such incendiary fire as aforesaid.

And we do also promise and declare that any person or persons who shall discover and apprehend, or cause to be discovered and apprehended, the authors, abettors, and perpetrators of any such outrages, other than those last above mentioned, in the said counties, so that they or any of them may be duly convicted thereof, shall be entitled to the sum of fifty pounds for each and every person who shall be so convicted, and shall receive our most gracious pardon for the said offence in case the person making such discovery as aforesaid shall be liable to be prosecuted for the same.

Given at our Court at Windsor this .

God save the Queen.

Mr. Hill, porter to the gate of the London University College (which crossed Gower Street, New Road, and which prevented carriages from passing along the front of the Hospital), received a letter signed “Rebecca.” She declared it to be the intention of herself and others to remove the “obstruction” called a gate on the following night.

Mr. Hill, believing the matter a joke, took no notice of the incident, but to his surprise the following morning he was awakened by the night porter, who informed him that the gate had disappeared.

On examination it was found that the large padlock by which the gate was fastened had been broken and carried away, the gate itself had been filed off its hinges, taken into the college grounds, and hidden behind some shrubs.

The gate was replaced; but Mr. Hill received another letter, informing him that it was the intention of “Rebecca and her daughters” to effect its entire destruction. It is due to Rebecca to say that suspicion mainly rested on a number of the students themselves, as being the instigators of this proceeding, and the letters signed “Rebecca” were probably forgeries.


Chapter ⅩⅩ

Rebecca on the Stage

Dolau Hirion Gates near Llandovery, were, for the second time, destroyed on by a troop of ’Becca’s daughters, who must have lain in ambush in an adjoining plantation during the whole of the night, waiting for the departure of the policeman and constables who guarded the gate. At dawn the policeman went home, leaving two constables near the place; he had scarcely arrived at his lodgings when the constables followed him, breathless with haste, stating that about 150 persons had commenced destroying the gates. The policeman immediately remounted his horse and galloped off into the midst of the gate-levellers, who had by this time completely destroyed the gates, and were unroofing the toll-house. They, however, did not remain to complete their work, but scampered off as fast as their legs could carry them.

The policeman recognised two of the party, who were subsequently taken into custody.

The turnpike-gate placed by the Main Trust on the road from Llandovery to Trecastle, near the confines of the county, was destroyed . Previous to its being destroyed, the party paid a visit to a farmer residing at Caecrin Mill, whom they threatened in the most awful manner, with ’Becca’s extreme vengeance, unless he relinquished some law proceedings against a late tenant.

Cefn Llanddewi turnpike-gate (Breconshire), midway between Builth and Llandovery, was also levelled and completely destroyed.

Public interest in Rebecca’s doings had by this time risen to such a pitch that she was even dramatised.

On , at the Royal Amphitheatre, Liverpool, a new play was produced, entitled “Rebecca and her Daughters.” It, moreover, was declared to be a drama of “extraordinary interest!”

The bill was somewhat as follows:—

On Wednesday, ——, , the performance will commence for the first time of an interesting drama entitled Rebecca and her Daughters, or Paddy the Policeman.

Sir Watkin Wiseacre (a Welsh Justice of the Peace)Mr. T. Williams.
Captain Squibb, of the Ponty Puddle YeomanryMr. Abbott.
Cornet CrackerMr. Blew.
Sir Henry Honeycomb (nephew to Sir Watkin)Mr. Coe.
Taffy Tibbs, Head Constable of Ponty PuddleMr. Holloway.
Paddy Whack (a policeman of the A division No. 1, consequently first man in the force)Mr. Fisher.
Lady Winterblossom (sister to Sir Watkin)Mrs. Fife.
Belinda and Floranthe (her sisters)Mrs. Coe and Mrs. Johnson.
Jenny Jones (their attendant)Miss Fife.

Vigilance of the civil and military Authorities — £100 Reward for the apprehension of Rebecca, and £10 for each of her daughters — False alarm — Invincible courage of the Yeomanry — Arrival of the London Police in disguise — Paddy Whack undertakes to capture the delinquents — Admonition to the Constabulary — The Inspection — Mysterious appearance of Rebecca and her Daughters in the Glen of Llandilo at midnight — Trial before the Justice of the Peace — Happy Denouement.

On the outhouses and stables connected with Aberduar, Carmarthenshire (about six miles from Lampeter), the property of the Rev. Thomas Rees, were wantonly set on fire and totally consumed.

Three parts of the premises were almost simultaneously fired.

Mr. Rees had received several notices from “’Becca” because he had given a tenant notice to quit, without sufficient ground, in her ladyship’s opinion, for his doing so.

On Mr. Thomas Thomas’s house, Pantycerrig, near Llanfihangel Rhosycorn, Carmarthen, was attacked. A large quantity of butter and cheese and all the property the rebels could find were destroyed. This was done in revenge. Mr. Thomas had given evidence which led to the committal of David James Evans (his servant). The latter had entered his house and extorted money from him by threats.

On John Evans and John Lewis, two Sheriff’s officers from Carmarthen, were sent to Tyrypound, in the parish of Llangunnor, to make a distress on the goods and chattels of William Philipp for £7 10s., being half a year’s rent, due . They were attacked by about twenty-five of the ’Beccas, and beaten in a dreadful manner. The latter were all disguised, some with their faces blackened, and others wearing bonnets and gowns.

John Evans was compelled to go on his knees before them, and put the distresses and authority to distrain in the fire. He was then made to take his oath on the Bible, which one of them put in his hands, that he would never again enter the premises to make another distress. He was compelled to make use of the following words: “As the Lord liveth, and my soul liveth, I will never come here to make any distress again.” After taking the oath, he was set free, and the two bailiffs returned to town.

After Cefn Llanddewi Gate had been destroyed on , two policemen were detached from Brecon to guard the toll-house and to prevent any further outrage. However, these two Guardians of the Peace, and the Pikes, found their avocation rather dry and insipid, and accordingly on retired to a house a short distance off, to have a drop of something wet and comfortable. The ever-watchful ’Becca immediately seized the opportunity afforded by their temporary absence to set fire to the house, and the whole building was consumed before the policemen or any others could render assistance towards extinguishing the flames.

On about fifty of the A division of London Police, under Inspector Martin, arrived at Carmarthen, and also several companies of the 76th Regiment.

a Sheriff’s officer was in soft repose at a farm called Towy Castle, in the parish of Llandeveilog, where he was lawfully in possession under a Sheriff’s warrant for £130. He was suddenly disturbed by the sound of a horse, which he at once guessed to be the signal of the approach of the lawless Rebecca. He hid himself under the bed, rolled up in a counterpane, using every effort in his power to prevent coming in contact with a lady of whom he had heard so much. But Rebecca insisted on an interview, which the poor man ultimately consented to, under the assurance that her ladyship would do him no harm if he but obeyed her injunctions. Staggering and trembling, he ventured to meet her. Rebecca greeted him most graciously, told him he was not to blame, urged him at once to depart and make the best of his way to Carmarthen, or else vengeance would overtake him. The alarmed bailiff immediately consented, and proposed making his way home through the fields, that way being as he stated, much shorter and more convenient. “Your convenience,” said ’Becca, “is not to be consulted. You must go on the main road, that my daughters may see you go.”

“Any way that will please you,” said the officer; “only let me go!” and away he scampered as fast as he could.

The man who personated ’Becca had a horse’s mane hanging down his back, and a large feather in his cap. All the members of the party were disguised and well armed, with guns, swords, and other destructive weapons. They saw the bailiff clear off the premises, and fired several shots after him, to make him quicken his pace.

They afterwards returned to Towy Castle, and wished to take away the whole of the property, but Mrs. Phillipps, the landlady, begged of them not to do so, as the whole would be settled in a few days. Rebecca replied that unless the business was settled to her satisfaction, she would pay them another visit.

About this time Rebecca commenced the Radnorshire and Montgomeryshire circuits. She began on with Llangurig Gate, which, though actually in the county of Montgomery, is yet on the borders of Radnorshire, and situated about twenty-three miles from Aberystwyth.

On three other gates were broken down and demolished at Rhayader, in Radnorshire. They were Rhayader Old Gate, the Cwmglyn Gate, and the Cross Lane Gate. The destruction of the Rhayader Gates was attended with all the pomp and paraphernalia of Rebeccaism. Her ladyship, dressed in full costume, was attended by about 200 well-mounted followers, with a due proportion of horn-blowing and firing of guns.

A most wanton act of incendiarism was committed on on the farm of Penllwynys, near Llanddarog, Carmarthenshire. It was the property of Mr. Pugsley, and occupied by a Mr. Thomas. A large quantity of corn was consumed, and had not the inhabitants of the neighbourhood exerted themselves in extinguishing the fire, the whole of the premises would have been burnt to the ground.

an attack was made on the house of R.P. Beynon, Esq., St. Clears, one of the magistrates of the county. A party of between 200 and 300 persons, with horns and guns, and disguised in various ways, went to the house of a labouring man named James Thomas. This man had some time previous lost an arm by an accident, and had since been chargeable to the parish. Knocking loudly at the door, the Rebeccaites aroused the inmates. The wife, who first answered the summons, exhibited much alarm. They told her there was no cause for apprehension, for they came as friends, and thinking she and her husband had long enough suffered from poverty, they had provided a better dwelling for them, and were come to convey them to it. They then, without paying any regard to remonstrances, packed up the furniture and effects in the house, and placed them in a cart they had brought with them for the purpose. Having made the man and his wife get in also, they carried them to the Pwlltrap Toll-house, which had been unoccupied since the recent destruction of the gate. There they deposited their load and passengers, and formally installed them in possession of the premises, requiring of them only that they should remain there and not take toll of any person. They then left their bewildered tenant to settle himself in his new habitation, and proceeded to the house of the Mr. Beynon. After shouting and making a considerable noise, they fired into his bedroom, and threw several large stones through the windows of the adjoining bedroom. It fortunately happened that Mr. Beynon was not at home, for on his return he found eleven slugs lodged in various parts of his bedroom. They also affixed to his door the following notice:—

I beg that Rebecca Gav Posesion to James John of the House that was formerly Belong to Pwlltrap Gate, and if any Person will com and Throw him out, Rebecca will and her Children will remember him in future time. The First will come that there shall be drag between 4 horses — Rebecca and her Children.

a similar notice, with the sum of four-pence, was placed under the door of the Crier of Bethlehem Chapel in the neighbourhood, with a note commanding him to publish it in the usual manner on . James Thomas and his wife remained in possession of the premises for some time, no clue being found for the detection of those who placed them there.

Twenty-one London Police officers arrived at Carmarthen on . They were divided into sections among the military throughout the entire county.


Chapter ⅩⅪ

Some Threatening Letters

Mr. Kynaston, of Blaencorse, received a threatening letter on , of which the following is a copy:

To Mr. F. Keniston, Blaencorse, nr. St. Clears, Carmarthenshire.

Sir,

I am known by the name of Rebbecka, I have purpose to visit many places and persons, whenever and with whoever there is injustice; untill we shall the world plain: Sir I am well acquainted of all persons in all parts of the Kingdom and I have heard that you, Sir, have not made justice with John and Ann David at your yearly settlement. You do not consider that the times has been so bad and low prises for everything that the poor people could not make up the money which they promise. Now I have consider that Justice is for you to have all that they made of the cows and no more.

You should give them the cows this following year. Hoping the times will come better in steed of Driving the poor people out Door with short notice therefore I do hereby give you notice that without you shall give the said persons all their owns The 2 calf pigs and all furniture I shall in few nights come to visit you, and you may depend that the best way for you to take notice of this Because I have got the world in my hand to do Justice Justice Justice. Your beloved friend, Rebbecka.

Neibourhood and Kingdom, .

This characteristic letter needs a word of explanation. Some time previously Mr. Kynaston leased some cows to a person named in the letter, and upon his becoming indebted in about £20, Mr. Kynaston applied to the surety, who was a relative of Davies, for payment. At the request, however, of the surety, he obtained from Davies some furniture and other things as security for his debt.

About a lawless mob, consisting of from fifty to sixty persons, assembled at Blackpool Weir (in Pembrokeshire), the property of the Baron and Baroness de Rutzen, which they entirely demolished, but not without considerable difficulty in consequence of its strength. They were occupied , during the time keeping watch over the old man in a cottage adjoining. The latter was ordered with threats not to make his appearance. As usual, no clue was left by which to trace the depredators.

On four of the Metropolitan Police, led by Jones, a Llandovery Police officer, arrested a leader of the Rebeccaites named John Jones. The latter was a farmer living at Danygarn, near Llangadock. He was taken into custody, under a warrant granted by David John Lewis, and Lewis Lewis, Esqs., for sending a letter to Mr. Thomas Williams, auctioneer. The letter threatened to deprive him of his life if he refused to give up the title-deeds of a small farm which he had purchased from John Jones. Unless Rebecca’s request was immediately acceded to, Mr. Williams should be dealt with much worse than she had dealt with the Rev. William Jones of Llansadwrn.

John Jones was committed to take his trial at the next gaol delivery, and was sent in custody of the police, accompanied by an escort of dragoons, to Carmarthen Gaol.

The haggard of Mr. Henry Thomas, of the White Lion public-house, in the village of Llanddarog, about eight miles from Carmarthen, was wantonly set on fire by a party of Rebeccaites, and entirely destroyed on .

the “Crossvaen” turnpike-gate on the road between Llantrissant and Cardiff, was removed, and taken entirely away. The toll-collector stated that the deed was done She heard no noise during the night. It was supposed that the gate must have been taken some distance, and either thrown into a coal-pit, or burnt in a lime-kiln. A request had previously been made for the removal of the gate, but the authorities of the Trust had declined, though there was reasonable ground for such a demand.

The following was received that week by a toll-collector at Llanddowror:—

Habe omnes

The Days of Vengeance!!!

ѧ————————+

By blood and fire Christ strikes the blow,
And London falls like Jericho:
Behold the monsters die around,
Whose grave-diggers may not be found.
  Erin go Bragh
Pour Dieu et mon Droit.
O’Connell shines some people say,
Who admits none, except they pay
  The Piper.

To the Toll-Collector at the Turnpike-Gate, West Side, near Llanddowror, Carmarthen.

The neighbourhood of Brechfa was thrown into a state of alarm in consequence of the farmhouse of Gwarygraig having been found on fire on . The farm in question was the property of Mrs. Nicholls, and the whole of the outhouses, together with the dwelling-house, which was uninhabited, were entirely consumed. The act was supposed to be one of revenge because Mrs. Nicholls had caused the goods of the late tenant to be distrained for the arrears of rent.

the farm of Tynymynydd, near Penbank, in the neighbourhood of Llandilo, was also discovered to be on fire, and the dwelling-house and outhouses entirely destroyed. A party of the 4th Light Dragoons, stationed at Llandilo, was immediately called out. The soldiers speedily repaired to the scene of the outrage, but no clue had been left as to the origin of the fire, or the supposed author of the mischief. Both fires, however, were supposed to have been the work of an incendiary.

. Queen Victoria issued a commission on the , consisting of Thomas Frankland Lewis, Robert Henry Clive, and William Cripps, Esqs., to inquire into the state of the laws which regulated turnpike roads, highways, and bridges in South Wales. On the the first and last named were at Carmarthen, with their Secretary, George Kettilby Richards.

the turnpike-gate at Sutton Weeks, near Chewstoke, Somerset, was taken down, carried to a considerable distance, and thrown into a farmer’s yard.

The tablet of tolls was also removed from the front of the toll-house, and placed over the door of a shoemaker living some distance away.

The following are a few of Rebecca’s letters sent during that week:—

To Mr. George Wood at Whitland.
Sir,

For as much as I have heard your careter in this neighbourhood, I therefore take my pleasure to write you these few lines, hoping that it will have an effect on you, as you are an agent under Mr. Yelverton you thought yourself a monk in Parish, but I mean to reduce your little, hearing that the poor and hungry are calling sometimes at your door, but they are turn off like dogs without having nothing, and therefore you are a hard gentleman to be amongst us Welshmen, for we usually give to the poor when calling for at our doors in a work. It is a pity that such a farm as Whittland a lett in the following manner, having a good tender by trustworthy persons this year to Rent the said farm by a fair Articles, but you are there and your laws are so strict nobody can put up with it and therefore such a large farm are let out to by holders that there a labourer might not have a days work for his good through the whole year. A parcel of idle fellows are living there a agent a keeper, underkeeper that there is no good to the rich man nor poor of them in a word that you are to quit the neighbourhood both of you George Wood, thomas Anthony and Joseph thos within four days after this note at your peril there is about nine hundred years since an imposed have been on Whittland before at the time of Cromwell was set to fire that time and if you disobey the letter it shall be same again. I do not care to call 300 of my children at the same time to level the place in less than an hour time Either by powder or digging or shotting or put the place to fire — fail not at your peril for the sake of your master.

Youngest Rebecca in Correspondent with the old one.

To Miss Yelverton of Whitland I therefore give you notice after read your carrater in the neighbourhood that you doest not good to others nor yourself. You living here and your God in dublin and it therefore cannot be good on you the best plan for you to go along and live with God it will be more comfortable I will take of your land I mean to rent tanybont to some person that are without a place to do him good fail not at your Peril to quit the place within a four days to Ireland take you that with

Rebecca.

To Thos. Wm now living at forge — take Notice Sir in consequence that you quite an high farmer retaining three farms in your hands you have heard the law Sir, towards such a person I may quash a persons that disobey the laws of Rebecca because she want very much to reform things that are out of the way you lately living at Bryngwyllin and holding the fallage the three farms at the same time. Brave fellow that you are and some are without one you are to fall into the laws of Rebecca immediately within four days after this note at your Peril of losing your goods.

Rebecca is here learning you.

The Special Commission for the trial of the Rebecca prisoners was opened at Cardiff on the , before the Honourable Sir John Gurney, Knight, the Hon. Sir Cresswell Cresswell, Knight, and John Homfray, Esq., Llandaff House, High Sheriff.

John Hughes, for demolishing Pontardulais Toll-house, and destroying the house of William Lewis, was found guilty, but recommended to mercy. Sentence, Twenty years’ transportation.

David Jones and John Hugh, for aiding at Pontardulais, found Guilty — seven years’ transportation.

William Hughes — The Bill was ignored.

Margaret Morgan (25) 6 months in prison.

Rees Morgan (23), 12 months in prison. John Morgan, 12 months in prison. (These would have had hard labour in addition, if they had not been of “good character.”)

Morgan Morgan (57) and Esther Morgan (63), the father and mother, were discharged on their own recognizances of £50 each, to appear and receive judgment whenever called upon. These were tried for the attack on Captain Napier to prevent the apprehension of Henry Morgan.

Lewis Davies (31), captured by Mr. Chambers at Pontardulais, pleaded guilty, and was discharged on his own recognizances of £50, to appear when called upon.

On an incendiary fire took place on a farm occupied by a man named Evans. The farm, called Cefnmystrich, belonged to Lady Hamlyn Williams, and was situated in the parish of Merthyrbach, near Newchurch.

A stack of barley in the centre of the haggard was set on fire. There were about twenty stacks in the haggard, and had it not been for a person fortunately passing at the time, and giving the alarm to the farmer and his family, the whole of the haggard would inevitably have been consumed.


Chapter ⅩⅫ

Rebeccaites at Rhayader

Sergeant Shew, of the A division of London Police, who had been sent down to Rhayader, observing a little more stir than usual on , and seeing groups of people standing about, was induced to take measures, in case of an outbreak, and the laws being violated. He accordingly called up six special constables who had been sworn in pro tem, to act during the night, in case of any violence.

, when the moon had sunk beneath the horizon, Sergeant Shew received intelligence that a large body of men had attacked, and were levelling the North Gate, and on his running up to the place, he found that the gate had been taken down, hewn to pieces, and the fragments strewn around. Rebecca and her children had disappeared, having proceeded across the fields to the East Gate, for the purpose of avoiding the town, through which they must otherwise have passed on their way thither; thus at least showing their intimate knowledge of the country, which anyone knowing the locale will admit is a very difficult one.

The sergeant proceeded to the East Gate with the utmost speed, but arrived too late. It was utterly demolished, and the fragments were lying about as at the North Gate. He, however, obtained some clue as to the direction Rebecca and her progeny had taken, and with the six men under his charge, came up with them at the “Bear” public-house. One of the special constables went close to the Rebeccaites, and was cautioned by one of them in an undertone “to keep off.” Another of the constables, named Morris, then went up to them, when a musket was presented to his breast. Morris immediately cried, “For God’s sake, don’t kill a poor fellow!”

Another of the constables pressed forward in the endeavour to recognise some of them, but he was struck to the ground by one of the Rebeccaites with a musket, and received a violent blow across the shoulders.

After this melee the Rebeccaites marched forward four deep, with a slow and measured pace, keeping step as regularly as any skilled men, and it was observed by some eye-witnesses that every man appeared to submit and be guided by a leader.

Sergeant Shew said to them, “My men, I hope you will not fire.” But no answer was returned. They proceeded round the “Lion and Castle” public-house, which was undergoing some repairs; there was accumulated a quantity of stones. The road being rather narrow round the corner, and the party marching four abreast, one might expect some confusion, but they marched in perfect order. Those at the front and rear bore muskets, which were loaded with ball and slugs. The men who marched in the centre fired off as many as ninety blank cartridges. This took place in the North Street.

The sergeant and constables continued to follow the Rebeccaites, imagining that they were about to proceed to the New Gate on the Aberystwyth road, but through not being close enough to them, and owing to the darkness of the night, they lost sight of them soon afterwards. The rebels went to the mill kept by Mr. Jones Harvey, who had rendered himself obnoxious to them, in consequence of his having allowed a gate which belonged to him to be erected in place of one which had been taken down by a party of Rebeccaites. They called him by name, saying that “they would forgive him that time for allowing the gate to be erected at Llangwing,” but told him never to do so again, “or they would pull his castle down to the ground.” They then fired several times, and soon after disappeared.

Their cunning was evident in the destruction of the Wye Bridge Gate or West Gate. The constables stationed at this place had not been there long before two decently clad women came up and informed Wilding and James that the Rebeccaites were at the New Gate. Unfortunately the ruse succeeded too well, for the constables left the spot, and immediately a party of Rebeccaites came up to the gate, a few of whom were placed along the bridge as a guard, whilst the others demolished the gate and house, throwing the portions of wood into the river which runs near the spot.

The following particulars were gathered from the keepers: The North Gate. This gate was kept by John Francis, and was situated on the old road to Llanidloes. The distance from the town was not a quarter of a mile, and the locality was by no means lonesome, there being a number of houses adjacent. The gate-keeper stated that about two o’clock in the morning he and his wife were awakened by hearing persons tapping at his window, and soon after they heard a person speak as through a mouthpiece: “Lie still, or death will be your doom.” Afterwards he heard a person say, “Work away, little wenches,” and then told Francis if he took toll again, they would not only take the gate down, but also the house. The party, after firing several guns, departed.

The East Gate was on the road from Penybont to Rhayader, and close to the latter place. The tolls were received by an old woman named Sarah Rees, and the toll-house was tenanted by her and her daughter.

They stated that about three in the morning they were awakened by hearing a person say, “Lie still in bed; we don’t wish to injure you or the house, but we have come to hew down this old gate.” They then heard saws and axes at work, and a person called out, “Work away, my little wenches.” Afterwards addressing Rees, the same voice said, “Don’t be frightened, we won’t injure you; it is only the little wenches hewing chips against the door.” In about a quarter of an hour they had completed the act of demolition, when one of them said, “Take notice, if a gate should again be put up in this place, we will take the house down level with the turnpike road!” The tablet of tolls was also taken down from the front of the house, and hewn into small strips. After the gang had discharged several firearms, they departed.

The West Gate was adjoining the Wye Bridge, and situated about the same distance as the other two from the centre of the town. There were several houses near the spot, and therefore it was by no means in a lonely situation. The work of demolition began here about four o’clock. The only débris left was a large heap of stones on the spot where the toll-house formerly stood. The gate-keeper, in consequence of information received, had removed his family from the toll-house, but he had not removed his furniture, although strongly urged to do so by the men who assisted him. The furniture was found underneath the ruins of the house, but considerably injured.

The gate-keeper stated his loss to be only a few pounds, as he had not anything of particular value upon the premises. Although the night was dark and foggy, the dress which the Rebeccaites wore was pretty distinct. They all had their faces blackened, and the lower portion was muffled up. They had on mostly dark-coloured bonnets, but a few wore hats; a short cloak was thrown around the shoulders, and petticoats hung from their waists. Each man was well armed, those in front having muskets, and those in the centre carrying gun, sword, or hatchet. The men in the rear were supplied with a gun each.

Sergeant Shew said that in the North Street he placed his men across the road, for the purpose of endeavouring to intimidate the Rebeccaites from proceeding farther, but they turned off to the right, walking in close column. Each man who was stationed in front presented his musket towards the constables ready to discharge it, whilst those in the centre were continually firing blank cartridges over the heads of the constables as they passed them.

It was fortunate, as it turned out, that the special constables were not provided with firearms; had they made any attempt to capture anybody, the rebels were determined to fire those guns, which were loaded, and from their being so well organised there is no doubt that the consequences would have been fatal. There were not less than 200 rioters assembled at the West Gate, three bands of them having apparently met there.

A detachment of the 4th Dragoons, under Captain Arkwright, arrived at Rhayader from Carmarthen on .

General Brown, the commanding officer, arrived , and proceeded to make inquiries. Two men were taken up, but nothing being elicited to warrant their committal, they were held to bail to appear again, if any charge should be preferred against them.

It being ascertained that the foot-soldiers would be more effective than the horse, the dragoons were replaced by a number of the 7th Fusiliers on . They were stationed in the old Vicarage House. The town and neighbourhood were by that time quiet, but a number of the London Police who had been sent down by the Secretary of State, were out every night, patrolling the town and the surrounding parts.

On , twenty-five men were taken prisoners in the neighbourhood of Aberdaugleddyf, and they were confined in the market-place, under the charge of the military. The leader in the attacks on the toll-gates was there, having been lured through the promise of a prize (gift) by the Queen’s Proclamation. He turned traitor, and accused his companions in evil-doing, and gave in the names of thirty-four.

The cavalry rode to Aberdaugleddyf from Cardigan to help the county officers.

The following important address from the men under sentence of transportation was about this time freely distributed through the country:—

To the public generally, and to our neighbours in particular.

We John Hughes, David Jones, and John Hugh who are now confined in Carmarthen, having been found guilty of the attack made on the Toll-gate at Pontardulais, and on the persons appointed to defend it and having been sentenced to penal servitude across the sea desire, and we call seriously on others to take note from us to stop their wild acts before they fall to a similar judgment.

We are guilty and have been sentenced to suffer, when hundreds have escaped. Let them all take heed lest they be led again to spoil possessions Government or personal, and oppose the force of the law, because they are certain to be caught, and they will be brought to destruction.

We are but in prison now — in a week or two we shall have been transported as if felons, to be slaves to strangers in a strange land. We in the flower of our manhood must leave our pleasant homes to live and work with slaves of the worst type, and to be looked upon as thieves.

Friends, neighbours, all — but especially young men, Keep away from night meetings. Beware of doing injustice, and fear the anger of the Judge.

Think what we must do, and what you may have to suffer before you do what we did.

If you would be peaceful, and live again like honest men, through God’s blessing, you can expect success, and we, exiled and miserable creatures may thank you for the mercy of the Crown — for on no other ground but your good behaviour will mercy be shown unto us or others who may fall into our almost hopeless situation.

Signed John Hughes.
David Jones.
His mark x John Hugh.
Witness John B. Woods, Governor.

Cardiff Gaol,
.


Chapter ⅩⅩⅢ

A Table of Grievances

The following is a Verbatim et Literatim copy of a Statement of Grievances sent to the Commissioners of inquiry held at Carmarthen on :—1

Evan Edwards, David Graville, and John White were called in and examined as follows:

Where do you live?

Evan Edwards. “We all live in the parish of Llandeveilog in this County.

David Granville. “I have brought a statement which I beg to have read.” (The same was delivered in, and read as follows):

Statement of Grievances made in a Committee of the Parishioners of the Parish of Llandeveilog county of Carmarthen , viz. 1st Causes, 2nd Signs, 3rd Treatment.

1st. Causes.

  1. Bad Government, before King Henry £10 per cent of the land was consecrated to maintain the poor and religion, but at his time some of it sold and some given to relations and friends; and again a law made to mend the wrong of King Henry in the reign of William in part for the same purpose.
  2. Injustice and ungodliness of some of County rulers.

2nd. Signs.

  1. No hear at Parliament.
  2. Public meetings in several places in England Manchester, Birmingham, Bristol etc. and some in Wales, Monmouth and Glamorgan etc.
  3. Nocturnal Meetings some in England, Scotland but multitude in Wales.
  4. Pulling down Gates, destroying plantations burnings robberies, loss of lives, and some on the way to transportation.

3rd. Treatment.

Something like as under:—

  1. High Rents, some sensible, some not.
  2. Tithe. It is now thrice as much as it was 35 or 40 years ago, and has been very expensive and troublesome. Summer before last, they called a meeting to put it in one parish under the new law; and about thirteen of the higher class of the parishioners meet that morning to hold a committee to consider the same first, and agreed that from £500 to £550 yearly was a great sum for it; but when we appeared at the meeting £700 was the lowest sum and no more; and after conversing a little, we took it for that enormous sum for fear that we should get it worse again, and that was true; said sum increased to £756 before we leave the room; in that state it is since, and it will be better to be as it is than for us to have our corn valued according to London markets. Tithing-man offer it for £500 between 10 and 12 years ago. The above sum is enough to maintain the poor and religion without a church-rate. The vicar receive only £11″13″4 from the tithe.
    1st. If Tithe to maintain Church and poor.
    2nd. And to be reduced £30 per cent.

4th. Poor Law.

  1. Overseers to gather and pay all.
  2. This to be done under directions of Guardians.
  3. No separation of husband and wife.
  4. Bastardy clauses better under old law.
  5. Free liberty on Lord’s day etc. for religious purposes.
  6. Chaplain not wanted in or near towns.
  7. Visiting Workhouse paupers gratis as others.
  8. Passing accounts in parish meetings.

5th. County Stock.

  1. To separate it from the Poor Rate.
  2. Officers for collecting the Rate.
  3. As ratepayers had to pay for making the rate.
  4. As ratepayers had to pay the rate.
  5. As ratepayers had to pay for collecting the rate.
  6. Justice to be under the control of the ratepayers.
  7. Quarterly accounts of money expended.

6th. Gates, Bars, and Chains.

  1. Unlawfully to be removed.
  2. Letting each separately and annually.
  3. Sum collected be expended on roads which it clears.
  4. People employed, being parishioners, which road passes.
  5. All manure free of toll.
  6. Cart, one horse 4d.; horse 1d.; ass ½d.; carriages as before.
  7. Toll once a day.
  8. Free for religion.
  9. Magistrates not to be Trustees of Roads.
  10. Quarterly accounts of money collected and expended in each Trust.

7th. General Highway Act.

Very well make — cannot be better — cruelty before — much afraid that some bad person will offer to alter this good law again; we done our duty now at half expense.

7th. Corn Law.

Repealed two or three years ago for trial; no sliding scale.

8th. General Act.

Reformed; no local Act nor bye-laws at all.

9th. Income Tax.

No income to farmers and county tradesmen in present years; but outgoings all on many, and more than that on some.

10th. Butter and Cheese.

By 36 Geo. Cap. 86 S 7 deemed good for farmers etc. to be repealed, and like the following instead—

And every dairyman, maker, dealer, or seller of butter shall repack in any such vessel or vessels as aforesaid, Provided such vessel or vessels being of the same construction as aforesaid and likewise such vessel or vessels deemed well and good repacking the same on pain of forfeiting the butter and vessel so repacked.

11th. Magistrates’ Fees.

Few we can get to sign a single assessment etc. under 2s. 6d.; when overseer, surveyor etc. must travel many days in every three months of the year for nothing in the world, for serving the same, and when electing Member to Parliament or some county or parish officer as high constable, guardian, overseer, surveyor, etc. and if some one now and then, that are poor etc. meet some of the magistrates at their petty sessions to have a discharge of a horse, or a dog, or the like, such thing will be for us as a sort of a plague, continued for a long time, and to many families for their whole lives, and can reckon ourselves as already sold to Mr. Gooch, cotton plantation Cashawshire, South Carolina. To remedy this etc. etc. a vote by ballot is so very desirable at this time of our most liberal and gracious Queen Victoria.

12th. Mortmain Act.

That it will be beneficial for the comonalty to repeal as much of that Act as will enable a Devisor of being capable by his last Will and Testament to give and bequeath out of real property, annually, as much as £1 to £20 or £30 towards education of poor children, or for Bible or Missionary Society, or to be distributed among poor people (without expense as in other causes) of a city town, borough, or village, parish, hamlet or hamlets connected with parish, church, chapel, or meeting house of any denomination. Requested that this be stated before the noble Commissioners of her most Excellent Majesty.

13th. Rural Police Constables.

We are willing to take oath to preserve peace in our neighbourhood and county to the utmost of our ability and same expense.

14th. Pensarn Chain on a by-road.

15th. Workmen on road, Steward, Agent, Tithe, petition.

16th. Barracks.

Some remarks from Scripture:—

  1. Henry on Nehemiah Chap. 2 Verse 2 and 3 sorrow of heart.
  2. Henry on Ecclesiastes Chap. 3 Verse 16. Place of righteousness and judgment.
  3. Henry on 1 Kings Chap. 12, Rehoboam refusing Elders’ council.
  4. Henry on Proverbs Chap. 10, V. 9 Walketh uprightly, God will guard us.
  5. Henry on Isaiah Chap. 60. V. 17 and 18, Officers peace, Exactors righteous.
  6. Henry on Romans, Chap. 13 V. 1 to 7. Duties to Magistrates and State Officers 8–11 Love fulfilling the Law.

Cwmtoyddur Hill Gate, situated about 7½ miles from Rhayader, was totally destroyed on , by a party of Rebeccaites, about a hundred in number. They levelled it to the ground, and broke several panes of glass in the toll-house. They then separated, discharging their guns as they passed along the road. They were dressed à la femme, wearing petticoats, cloaks, and bonnets.

On one of the parties concerned in the destruction of the Parcymorfa and Fishguard Gates laid information against about thirty of the persons engaged in that affair. Accordingly the London Police officers stationed at Fishguard, and a troop of dragoons effected the capture of the persons accused.

The latter were examined by the magistrates, at Fishguard, when they were committed to the next Assizes.

William Owen (the lady Rebecca on that occasion), James Gwynne, and Thomas Gwynne were allowed bail of £100 each, and two sureties in £50 each, and the remaining twenty-three in £50 each, and two sureties of £25 each.

About the outhouses of a farm called Llwynffynongro, in the parish of Llanegwad, about two miles from Brechfa, were set on fire, and the whole entirely destroyed. Luckily the dwelling-house escaped the fire, in consequence of the wind blowing from the north. The farmhouse was unoccupied, but a new tenant was expected to take possession on the following day. Evidently ’Becca and her daughters thought proper to have recourse to this mode of revenge upon the incoming tenant, because he became the successor of another who had given his landlord notice of quitting, and accordingly left the place on the previous. The outhouses were set on fire in four different places, and some person in the neighbourhood passing at the time saw a man with a light in his hand on the premises, but passed on, naturally thinking he was the new tenant.

A toll-collector, Thomas Jackson by name, in the employ of Mr. Bullin, was brought before the Neath Petty Sessions about .

Lewis Lewis, a farmer, charged him with having, at the West Gate, Aberavon, exacted full toll three times in one day for one horse and cart, contrary to the Act of Parliament.

Mr. Bullin, who was unable to be present owing to a committee meeting of the Bridgend Turnpike Trusts, sent a message to the magistrates, saying he had instructed his collector to take tolls in the manner complained of, because he thought he was legally entitled to them. If, however, the magistrates should rule otherwise, he would willingly submit to their decision, and give directions to his collector not to make similar charges in future.

The clauses of the Act (General Turnpike Laws) which related to the case were the 11th, 12th, and 13th sections of the 1st Wm. , which was an Act passed to amend the Act 7th and 8th George for the more effectually repairing and otherwise improving the roads in the county of Glamorgan.

Section 11 enacted “That no more than one full toll in any one day (to be computed from 12 o’clock at night till the following midnight) shall be demanded or taken for, or in respect of, the same horse, or horses drawing the same vehicle; or for the same horse, horses, etc., laden or unladen, not drawing, passing and repassing through any of the Gates along the line of the said roads.”

Section 12 repealed the provisions of the 7th and 8th George respecting stage coaches and other vehicles.

Section 13 enacted that “stage coaches and other vehicles should pay every time of passing, but not more than twice in any one district.”

Eventually Mr. Bullin consented to concede the point, provided the magistrates inflicted a nominal penalty only. The magistrates, upon condition of Mr. Bullin’s refunding all the expense attending the prosecutors, including the expenses of witnesses, on this occasion inflicted the nominal fine of one shilling.

On the Mardy Toll-Gate, within five miles of Corwen, on the Holyhead road, in the parish of Llangwm (Denbigh), and belonging to the Bala Trust, was entirely taken away. The posts were parted with a saw, and a note put under the door informing the toll-keeper that the breach was committed by Sister Rebecca, with a caution against placing another in that neighbourhood.

Waunystradfeiris Gate, in the parish of Llangadock, was destroyed, and the windows of the toll-house were smashed in. The act was daring in the extreme, as it was committed within a few hundred yards of Llangadock, where a detachment of the 4th Light Dragoons and the Metropolitan and the Rural Police were stationed at the time. This gate had been destroyed four times, and the old toll-house had been set on fire, and afterwards razed to its foundation; but both had been re-erected at great expense to the local Trust, only to be destroyed again.

. Examination of Francis McKiernin and George Laing, at Llanelly, by the Commissioners.2 (The Right Hon. Thomas Frankland Lewis in the chair.)

“What are you? — (Mr. McKiernin) I am a mailcoach proprietor from here to Swansea, and a coach proprietor from Swansea to Carmarthen and back. My great grievance is the tolls upon the road from Llanelly to Swansea and back; a four-horse coach pays 16s. for 11 miles.”

“What is your fare? — 3s. outside and 5s. inside. I very frequently go with the mail, and I do not take 18d. Mr. Laing is a carrier living near to me; he goes two days a week, but he is obliged to give it up because the tolls are so heavy. If I had not the contract for the mail, I could not keep it on, but that frees me the tolls but I have my mileage to pay the same, 1½d. a mile, and I am allowed £59 a year for conveying the mail to Swansea and back.”

“Are the turnpikes free? — Yes, otherwise my gates would amount to £164 12s. 6d. at 8s. per day. The first gate is 1s. and the next 1s. 6d. Then there is the Lougher Bridge, which I should say of all things ought to be made a County Bridge. Then you pass over that Bridge, and you do not go more than three or four hundred yards before you get to the other Gate. Things are so bad that unless the tolls are reduced, the other coach I have I must give up.”

“Are there any other tolls besides these, which you feel? — I have nothing to say of other tolls, save and except that I have to say that the roads are not kept, in this part of the district, adequate to what they are in other districts. From here to Lougher the Kidwelly line of road, the lower road, is not kept in a state equal to what the roads are in the interior parts of the county.”

“Suppose the new road was finished across the Gwendraeth, do you think that the other road might be left to the parishes to repair, and left out of the Turnpike Trusts? — I think it might.”

“What do you think of the other road that comes from Carmarthen to Kidwelly by Minke Gate; do you think that could be left to the parishes? — I do not think it could up to Minke, but it might from Minke to here, for nothing is done to it except from Minke to Carmarthen. Mr. Saunders takes good care that one-half the money collected in that district is expended on that part of the road. From the part where his own estate is, there is more material broken and piled by the side of the road in different places than there is in all the rest of the district together; there is nothing done on this side; he appoints his own Surveyor and draws the money, and manages as he thinks proper.”

“You know the upper part of the road between Carmarthen and Minke, and Llangadar? — Yes.”

“You say that all the roads in that part are much better repaired than they are in the lower part? — Yes, ten to one.”

“And less incommodated with turnpikes? — Yes. There is no Gate from Llangadar to Carmarthen, but Mr. Saunders takes care to put Gates there. From here to Pembrey, I am given to understand, by a man who worked for him, that Mr. Saunders put a Bar after the parish of Pembrey and the borough of Llanelly had joined together to make the road. The parish of Pembrey have spent nearly £1100 in making that road. There were three Bars taken away by the lessees of the tolls, by the man who has caused all the row in this country, that is William Lewis.”

“Has he been often summoned? — I have had him several times before the magistrates, and I have had him fined, but the magistrates never inflict the penalty, or return me the money that he overcharged.”

“How were you overcharged? — Before my neighbour, Mr. Laing, came upon the road, I had a carrier’s waggon, and when this waggon used to go into Swansea empty, he used to charge full toll for going empty and returning. I used to take those tickets each way, and I found that the man had extorted money from me which he ought not, in charging me for the empty waggon when I was going in. It was not a regular carrier’s waggon. I fetched hay and corn from Swansea for my horses. The magistrates decided that it was illegal, that he had no right to charge. I produced tickets to the amount of £2 8s. 9d., which he was ordered to return to me, but I never had a farthing. Mr. Thomas Atwood, the magistrate’s clerk, I applied to, and I never got a farthing back.”

“Was William Lewis the renter of gates in Glamorganshire as well as in county? — Yes.”

“Was any penalty imposed upon Lewis as well as returning the money? — No, not at that time.”

“Had he to pay the cost? — Yes.”

“When was it you went before the magistrates? — Four years ago.”

“Who were the magistrates? Mr. Hewson, Mr. Thomas Edward Thomas, and, I think, Colonel Jones.”

“Have you heard of this man Lewis being summoned lately before the magistrates? — Yes.”

“Have you summoned him yourself? — I have not. In fact, I do not speak to him, for I do not have anything to do with him but paying him, through my coachman, his money for the coach every Monday morning. Mr. Lewis himself came once and took three bars away one morning within half a mile of each other.”

“What did he take them away for? — They were threatened to be taken down, and he knew they were illegal.”

“Did he put them up himself? — Yes.”

“Without the authority of the trustees? — I cannot say. I think the magistrates in this hall had given him liberty to put them up, but he took them all away one morning; they were not more than half a mile from each other, all three, they were to catch different roads. It is very hard that a farmer cannot go to his own land without paying a gate. I rent a good deal of land under Mr. Chambers, and I cannot go to my land without paying tolls for manure, or if I carry lime.”

“Do you think the trustees could keep the roads in repair if they took off the toll upon lime? — I do not. We are paying more considerably to the county rate than we paid formerly. This is a place that I think they ought to look more to than any other part, where there is so much shipping, and so many copper works, and there is a large population of persons that are merely labouring persons, who pay considerably more than is paid in the interior of the country; there are farmers who are paying seven times, to all accounts, as much rates as they are in some places in the country, and there has not been a ditch opened in any one place except by Llewellyn Thomas; he is a relieving officer and farmer. On the part of the road, up to where Mr. Saunders, or the trustees, and a magistrate lives, the road is very good. With respect to the bridge, it cost a good deal of money to build, and I never complain of paying the bridge, but the gate on the other side I complain of.”

Mr. Laing. “It costs me 6s.d. per day for going to Swansea and back, that is gates and duty.”

“What are the gates? 3s.d.

“Have any of these gates been pulled down?”

Mr. McKiernin. “Yes, we are both out on bail, charged with having pulled the gates down.”

Mr. Laing. “And that a gate we never wanted to come through.”

Mr. McKiernin. “I never was out of my house that night, but a drunken fellow informed against me, and I was admitted to bail.”

(The witnesses withdrew.)


  1. Report of Commissioners, “Rebecca Riots,” pp. 110, 111, 112.
  2. Report of Commissioners, “Rebecca Riots,” pp. 358, 359.

Chapter ⅩⅩⅣ

Rebecca Before the Bar

On about forty Rebeccaites assembled in the peaceful village of Llanddausant (Anglesea), having been summoned by sound of horn, and firing of guns. They proceeded in good order, armed with bludgeons and branches of trees, to the house of a certain D—— W——, a shopkeeper. Two bailiffs were there in possession of the goods and chattels under execution from the North and South Wales Bank of Holyhead.

Having entered the house by bursting open the door, Rebecca ran upstairs, followed by some of her daughters. She ordered the bailiffs, who were in bed at the time, to be up and going in five minutes, or to prepare for a good drubbing. The bailiffs promptly obeyed, but were driven forth by a bodyguard of the rioters, who escorted them some distance, pushing and driving the poor men in front of them. At last they were allowed to depart to their homes on a sincere promise of not returning.

On , the gate in the village of Glasbury, on the Radnorshire side of the River Wye, was removed. The posts were sawn off about half a yard above the ground, and the gate, after being sawn in two and otherwise mutilated, was thrown into the River Wye.

The old woman who collected the tolls saw only three men employed, and they told her to keep quiet, as they would not injure her. About fifty persons were secreted near the place, to be of assistance if necessary.

Having finished their dastardly work, the whole party gave three cheers, and marched through the village in the direction of the Woodlands. Shouts of “’Becca for ever!” and the noise of firearms brought some of the inhabitants out, but they were peremptorily ordered back to their homes.

The road on which the gate was placed was repaired by the parish of Glasbury, and some time previous the inhabitants of Glasbury and the adjoining parishes had signed a petition to remove the said gate, but the Radnorshire Turnpike Trust took no notice of the petition. There were two gates adjoining the toll-house viz. the one on the road leading to the village, which was destroyed, and the other on the road leading to Rhydspence, which was not touched.

A reward of £50 was offered by the magistrates acting in the hundred of Paincastle for information which would lead to the conviction of the parties by whom the act was committed.

The Carmarthen Winter Assizes opened on . Sir Cresswell Cresswell, one of Her Majesty’s justices, arrived on . Sir Frederick Pollock, the Attorney-General, also arrived on .

The court began on , owing to intervening.

John Jones (Shoni Scuborfawr) was indicted for unlawfully and maliciously shooting at Walter Rees at Pontyberem on , for shooting at Miss Slocombe, for destroying a house at Spudder’s Bridge, for destroying a house in Porthyrhyd, and for destroying a house in Tyrynys. He was found Guilty. Sentence — Transportation for life.

David Davies (Dai’r Cantwr) was tried for riot in Coalbrook Works and Spudder’s Bridge. Transported for twenty years.

A nolle prosequi was entered against William Walters, who was charged with demolishing the house of Thomas Walters at Spudder’s Bridge, Pembrey Parish, on .

Thomas Morris pleaded guilty. He was charged with the same offence. He entered into his own recognisance of £50 to appear and receive judgment when called upon.

John Jones and David Davies pleaded guilty to a charge of demolishing the same house on . Sentence — vide above.

Lewis Henry. For stealing in “The White Gate,” Abergwili, was sentenced to transportation for ten years.

David Jones was charged with sending a threatening letter1 to Thomas Williams, auctioneer of Llanwrda, Carmarthenshire. Found Guilty. Sentence, eight months’ imprisonment.

Evan Williams, Joseph Williams, David Williams, William Williams, were charged with having destroyed Pentrebach Gate on . The Attorney-General entered a nolle prosequi against David Williams, he being only thirteen years old. The other three retracted their plea of not guilty, and pleaded guilty. The Attorney-General did not press for judgment against Evan and Joseph Williams. Evan, being of age, entered into his own recognizance of £100 to appear and receive judgment when required. Josiah Williams bailed Joseph Williams to the same effect. William Williams had six months’ imprisonment with hard labour.

Bridget Williams was charged with having sent a threatening letter in the name of Rebecca to Benjamin Evans,2 of Penyrherber, in Cenarth. Verdict Guilty. Sentence, three months’ imprisonment.

John Jones was charged with sending a letter to Thomas Williams, of Llanwrda threatening to murder him on . Verdict, Not Guilty.

Daniel Mainwaring, Isaac Mainwaring, Thomas Mainwaring, and John Powell, were indicted for destroying the house of Mary Rees, in the parish of Llandebie. Verdict, Not Guilty.

David Evans (20), farmer, and James Evans (25) were charged with having on , with divers others, assembled at Pantycerrig, and assaulted one Thomas Thomas, and with force demanding the sum of 40s. from him, with intent to steal the same. (Thomas was drowned a week previous to the Assizes.) Verdict, Guilty. Sentence, twelve months’ imprisonment.

John Jones (21), William Jones (17), Thomas Jones (14), Seth Morgan (21), Henry Thomas (21), and Thomas Harris (a young lad) pleaded guilty to having (with others) destroyed the toll-house at Porthyrhyd on . They were discharged on their own recognizances to appear when called upon to receive judgment.

George Daniel pleaded guilty to having committed a riot on at Blaennantymabuchaf, Llanegwad. Discharged as above.

John Jones Smith pleaded guilty to having committed a riot and an assault at Llandilo Rwnnws Bridge on . Discharged as above. The Government would not proceed against Francis McKiernin3 and George Laing3 who were charged with the demolition of a turnpike-gate at Llanelly.

William Davies (farmer), Benjamin Richards (farmer), W. Evans (labourer), Arthur Arthur (labourer), charged with various Rebecca outrages, were discharged by proclamation. (Dai Joshua the toll-keeper of Glangwili, informed.)

Thomas Morgan (28) and Thomas Lewis (24), (labourers), were charged with having, on , demolished Dolau hirion Toll-gate in Llanegwad. The case was removed by Certiorari into the Court of Queen’s Bench. In the course of a few minutes, perceiving their companions in tribulation set at liberty, they wished to withdraw their plea of not guilty, and to substitute guilty, but the judge told them they were too late.

Philip Philip and William Philip, father and son, received twelve months’ imprisonment for having committed a riot and beaten the bailiff, etc., at Pound.

David Morgan (34), James Morgan (30), George Thomas (17), John Lewis (20), were charged with a burglary and riot at Llanarthney on . David Morgan pleaded not guilty, and was discharged, the evidence being inconclusive.

The others pleaded guilty. Sentence, two months’ imprisonment.

David Jones was charged with attempting to suborn and instigate Daniel Lloyd, a mason of Priory Street, to commit perjury, or to withhold his evidence. Found Guilty. Sentence, one year’s imprisonment.

About , a certain Evan Rees, carrier from Shrewsbury to Aberystwyth, was proceeding with a waggon-load of timber from Aberystwyth to Llanidloes. On arriving at Pantmawr Turnpike-gate, the toll-collector demanded the usual toll. Rees offered him half, which the toll-keeper refused.

The waggoner then ordered his servant to hook the team of horses to the gate posts. This frightened the collector so much that he immediately opened the gates for the sturdy Rebeccaite to pass through.

Shortly after Rees was visited at the Black Horse Inn, Aberystwyth (of which he was landlord), by a bailiff. The latter requested him to meet the magistrates of the hundred of Llanidloes at Llandinam on a certain day. Rees, who dared not refuse, turned up at the time appointed.

The magistrates, after going into the case, informed him that they would deal leniently with him on that occasion. If, however, he made his appearance before them again, the utmost penalty of the law would be inflicted. On this occasion they would only impose upon him the sum of £5 and costs. This was immediately paid.

Rebecca and about 200 of her daughters assembled at Llangerrig, near Rhayader, on . They soon demolished the turnpike-gate. This was one of four within a distance of twelve miles on the road from Rhayader to Aberystwyth. At two of the gates travellers had to pay 8d. for a horse and gig. All four gates had been previously taken down by Rebecca, as it was considered that two were ample within such a short distance.

On , about forty men, disguised in various ways, levelled Plasbach Gate, situated near Llanyhyther, on the Carmarthen and Lampeter road.

The Pembrokeshire Spring Assizes for opened before his Honour Judge Sir W.H. Maule on the at Haverfordwest.

William Walters and David Vaughan, for a riot and unlawful assembly at Prendergast Gate on , were found guilty of “unlawful assembly.”

They were sentenced to twelve months’ imprisonment each.

On , Mr. Vaughan Williams moved that the recognizances of the prisoners from No. 2 to No. 27 on the calendar be discharged. In these cases the prisoners were held to bail for having been concerned in the riotous proceedings at Fishguard in , the Crown proceeding no further with them. The motion was granted.

, John Lewis, John Charles, Job Evans, John Harris, of Talog, David Williams, and David Thomas were tried for unlawfully assembling at the Union Workhouse, Carmarthen, on . They were found Guilty. John Harris had twelve calendar months’ hard labour, and the three others eight months each.

John Jones, Jonathan Jones, Howell Lewis, Jonathan Lewis, David Davies, and David Lewis were tried for having committed a riot and assault at Talog, in the parish of Abernant on . John Jones was acquitted, the others were found guilty, and sentenced to eight months’ imprisonment with hard labour.

Thomas Lewis and Thomas Morgan were indicted on the charge of having destroyed the turnpike-gate and toll-house at Dolau hirion, near Llandovery. Verdict, Guilty of being present, but not of breaking the gate. His lordship observed that was equivalent to a verdict of Not Guilty, and directed a verdict to that effect to be entered.

John Jones, Thomas Hughes, and Benjamin Jones were tried for having destroyed Pontarllechan Gate and Toll-house on . Verdict, To come up for judgment when called upon.

Thomas Powell, John James, John Thomas, Thomas Thomas, John Thomas, Evan Davies, and David Evans, were tried for having, with others, entered the house of Daniel Harris of Pantyfen and stolen a sovereign, and David Thomas was charged as having been accessory to the fact. All found Guilty. David Thomas was sentenced to twenty years’ transportation, and all the others to ten years’ transportation each.

James Thomas and Thomas Thomas were acquitted of having aided and abetted “Shoni Scuborfawr” in firing a gun at one Margaret Thomas, with intent to murder her, or do her some bodily harm. They were also acquitted with having on caused, with others, a riot, etc., at Porthyrhyd.

The Assizes terminated on .

On about a dozen of “Rebecca’s Best” visited Pensarne Gate, Cardigan, and totally demolished and removed it. When the police visited the place at an early hour in the morning, all was right; and then all was done in about ten minutes or a quarter of an hour at furthest. It was a daring act to be attempted in a town where there were stationed about forty marines and several policemen.

On the side-gate for foot passengers attached to the turnpike-gate of Brynlloi, three miles from Llandebie, was entirely destroyed by Rebecca and her daughters.

A party of men, numbering from forty to fifty, suddenly assembled on at Plasbach Gate, about four miles from Llanybyther, on the Lampeter Road; they destroyed both toll-house and gate.

At the Carmarthenshire Quarter Sessions for , William Lewis, Collector of Tolls on the Three Commotts Trust, was indicted for having illegally erected a toll-bar across a high road between Porthyrhyd and Voelgastell Gates.

He pleaded guilty. The Chairman addressed the defendant thus: “You have pleaded guilty to an indictment charging you with having illegally erected a turnpike-gate on a public road. Many of the magistrates think that this is a fit case for the imposition of imprisonment, but the majority on the Bench are of the opinion that the justice of the case will be met by the infliction of a fine. You, and men like you, by your iniquity and corruption, have first of all exasperated and provoked the people to outrage and violence, and you are therefore far worse, far more culpable, far more wicked than they. Who shall say, that of those misguided men who unfortunately have lately been banished beyond the seas, or otherwise punished for offences against the law, some were not provoked to raise their hands against that law by your injustice, misconduct, and oppression? The sentence of the court is that you pay a fine of £50 to the Queen, and that you be imprisoned until such fine is paid.”

The defendant immediately paid the fine and left the court.

. The detachment of the 4th Light Dragoons left Carmarthen.

. A detachment of the 13th Light Dragoons arrived at Carmarthen under Captain Dickson and Lieutenant Derem.

. The 76th Regiment left Carmarthen.

. Two Companies of the 41th Foot arrived.

. The 7th Company of the 41th arrived under Captain Vaughan.

. The Summer Assizes opened before Sir Robert Monsy Rolfe. On , David Evans was tried for being concerned in pulling down and destroying Llanfihangel-ar-arth Gate, and found “Guilty of being in the company, but not guilty of demolishing.” On he was again tried for destroying Gwarallt Gate. The jury having been locked up all night, and not agreeing, the judge ordered the prisoner to be discharged, but told him that he might be called again at the next, or any other Assizes to be tried for the same offence before another jury.

. Henry Evans was committed to the county gaol at Carmarthen, for being engaged in some of the disturbances. He was tried in , and sentenced to eighteen months’ imprisonment. His term ended in , and he was thereupon discharged.

He was the last of those unfortunate men who were committed for various terms of imprisonment on account of their Rebeccaite dealings.

When Evans entered the gaol he was not able to speak a word of English, nor did he know his alphabet, but when he was discharged he could speak English fluently, and was able to read the Bible. On leaving prison he repeated the third chapter of Matthew, which he had learnt, to his chaplain, who expressed great satisfaction at his rapid progress.


  1. See Chapter 21.
  2. Benjamin Evans was an ancestor of the Rev. Herbert Evans.
  3. See Examination in Chapter 23.

Appendix A

Anno Septimo and Octavo Victoria Reginæ, Cap. ⅩⅭⅠ

An Act to consolidate and amend the Laws relating to Turnpike Trusts in South Wales. [.]

A Summary:—

It first refers to the Commission appointed on the , “to make a full and diligent Inquiry into the State of the Laws as administered in South Wales which regulate the Maintenance and Repair of Turnpike Roads, Highways, and Bridges.”

The report was made to Her Majesty bearing the date . In it the Commissioners recommended, among other things, that the Debts then chargeable upon the several Turnpike Trusts, in South Wales, should be ascertained and redeemed; also that the several Trusts in each of the respective counties then existing should be consolidated and placed under uniform Management and Control; and that the Laws and Regulations relating to the Collection and Application of Tolls should be revised and amended.

The Act commends:—

  1. The appointment of not more than three Commissioners by the Lord High Treasurer, or the Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury for the time being, or any Three or more of them by any writing under their hands, to be Commissioners to carry this Act into execution.
  2. The Powers given under the Act to such Commissioners to absolutely cease and determine on .
  3. The said Commissioners to be styled “The Commissioners for consolidating and adjusting the Turnpike Trusts in South Wales”; to have Powers and Authorities comprising the six counties following: Glamorgan, Brecknock, Radnor, Carmarthen, Pembroke, and Cardigan.
  4. The orders of the Commissioners to be binding, and not to be removed by Certiorari.
  5. A secretary to be appointed, whose work, and the Salaries and Allowances to Commissioners and their officers to be regulated by the Lord High Treasurer or the said Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury.
  6. Commissioners to proceed through South Wales.
  7. Notice to be given by Advertisement.
  8. Inquiry to be made by Commissioners into circumstances of all the Trusts, their Debts, etc.
  9. Commissioners to summon Witnesses and call for Papers.
  10. Penalty for giving false Evidence to be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour.
  11. Commissioners to record their Proceedings.
  12. Commissioners to ascertain and estimate all Debts, and to award the Sums, and name the Persons to whom due. Sums due to Infants and Lunatics may be awarded to Guardians and Committees, etc. Persons dissatisfied with the Award could appeal.
  13. Commissioners to appoint Time and Place for Arbitration.
  14. The Selection of Arbitrators, their Power, Awards, and Expenses of the Arbitration how borne.
  15. Awards, Advertisements, and other Instruments to be free of Stamp Duty.
  16. Provisions made in case of Creditors not applying within Time limit; Creditors after twelve months barred.
  17. Commissioners to report Result of Awards to Secretary of State.
  18. Sums awarded to be paid by Public Works Loan Commissioners.
  19. Sum not exceeding £225,000 to be charged upon the Consolidated Fund.
  20. Commissioners for the Reduction of National Debt to be Trustees of South Wales Turnpike Trust Fund, and to cause separate Account to be opened at Bank of England for the purpose.
  21. When powers of Commissioners have ceased, the Charge to be executed by the Secretary of State.
  22. All Local Acts to be repealed from a Day to be declared by the Commissioners.
  23. Justices in Quarter Sessions to elect members of County Roa4 Boards.
  24. Certain Persons in each County to be ex-officio Members of the County Roads Boards.
  25. The above Boards to have the Superintendence, Control, and Management of all Turnpike Roads, and part of the Turnpike Roads situated in any of the said counties respectively.
  26. Existing Officers of Trusts to give Account of all moneys, etc., taken.
  27. Provisions made as to existing Leases of Tolls.
  28. Debts due to Trust to be vested in the County Roads Boards.
  29. Materials to be the Property of the County to which they shall be adjudged by Commissioners to belong.
  30. Mortgagees not to take possession of the Tolls.
  31. Mortgagees in possession to deliver up Possession and to account to County Roads Boards.
  32. Lands or Persons liable to Repair of any Roads to continue liable.
  33. County Roads Boards may continue existing Toll Gates.
  34. County Roads Boards may remove Toll Gates if desirable.
  35. Rates of Tolls to be taken under this Act (see second schedule).
  36. Equal Tolls to be taken at all Gates in same county.
  37. Distinction as to Breadth of Wheels to be abolished.
  38. Toll once paid, to clear seven miles in same, or two in adjacent county.
  39. Where any Toll payable within the specified Distance is a higher one, the Difference only is to be paid.
  40. Provision as to Stage Coaches and Stage Waggons.
  41. Post Horses to be charged on every fresh Hiring.
  42. Exemption from Toll.
    No Toll “for any Horse or other animal carrying, drawing, or conveying any Agricultural Produce which shall have grown or arisen on Land or Ground in the occupation of, or cultivated, used, or enjoyed by the Owner of any such Agricultural Produce, and which shall not have been bought, sold, or otherwise profitably exchanged or disposed of, nor be going to be bought, sold, or otherwise profitably exchanged or disposed of, or for any sheep going to be washed, or returning therefrom, or for any Horse or other Animal drawing, or not drawing, which shall not pass more than Three Hundred Yards along, or upon such Turnpike Road, whether the whole or any Part of such Three hundred Yards shall have been traversed before passing through any Gate or Bar, or shall be traversed after passing through the same.”
  43. Exceptions not to be defeated on account of Regulations as to Breadth of Wheels or as to Weight.
  44. Lime to be charged Half Toll.
  45. Toll not to be taken within Limits of Towns.
  46. Toll Tables to be fixed at the Gates.
  47. Penalty for Want of Toll Tables 40s. per diem for every Day during which Collector shall continue to collect Tolls without such Table being affixed.
  48. County Roads Boards empowered to reduce Tolls in schedule.
  49. Meetings of County Roads Boards not less than four times in a year, “and may adjourn themselves to meet at any other Place or Places.”
  50. Three to be Quorum when Tolls are to be let.
  51. Tolls may be let at any Meeting without putting them up at the sum before realized.
  52. After mentioning Repeal of Part of 3 Geo. 4th c. 126 and part of 3 and 4 Wm. 4th c. 80. The Annual General Meeting of County Roads Boards for the purpose of auditing and examining the Accounts.
  53. General Superintendent of County Roads to be appointed to Office and Duties.
    1. To overlook Management of Roads.
    2. To attend Meetings of County and District Boards.
    3. To examine Accounts at Annual Meetings.
    4. To prepare Statements and Estimates.
    5. To transmit Statements and Estimates to Commissioners.
    6. To report from Time to Time.
  54. Books to be kept and to be open to Inspection.
  55. Plan of County Roads to be made by the Authority of the Commissioners.
  56. Roads rejected by the Commissioners to become Highways.
  57. County Roads Boards to make special Reports in certain cases.
  58. Local Boards to be appointed, called “District Roads Boards.”
  59. If the Commissioners deemed it expedient they could appoint additional members.
  60. Members of the County and District Boards could act as justices.
  61. The Tolls collected (to be called “County Roads Funds”) to be applied as follows:—
    1. To the Payment of such Annuity as should be charged upon such County Roads Funds.
    2. Subject to No. 1 should be applicable to the Repair, Maintenance, Management, and Improvement of the several Turnpike roads.
    3. To the Salaries of the officers.
  62. If the County Roads Fund proved insufficient for the Purposes required, County Roads Boards should certify the Amount required to the Quarter Sessions.
  63. Justices in Quarter Sessions to make a rate to supply the Amount required.
  64. Occupiers paying Road Rate could deduct it from the Rent paid to their Landlord.
  65. Llandilo Rhwnws Bridge, and Towey Suspension Bridge to become County Bridges, Wych Tree Bridge to become a County Bridge, Loughor Bridge to be maintained as a County Bridge between the Counties of Glamorgan and Carmarthen jointly.
  66. Part of the Debt of Rumney Bridge Trust to be borne by the Newport Turnpike Trust, Rumney Bridge to be maintained as a County Bridge between the Counties of Glamorgan and Monmouth jointly.
  67. The Act not to apply to Hay Bridge nor to the Haverfordwest or Boughrood Bridges.

First Schedule

7° and 8° Victoriæ, Cap. ⅩⅭⅠ

Schedules to which the foregoing Act refers:—

  1. Act in George , 3rd year.
  2. Act in George , 4th year.
  3. Act in George , 7th and 8th years.
  4. Act in George , 9th year.
  5. Act in William , 1st and 2nd years.
  6. Act in William , 2nd and 3rd years.
  7. Act in William , 3rd and 4th years.
  8. Act in William , 4th and 5th years.

Second Schedule

Rate of Toll to be taken in the Counties to which this Act refers:

For every Horse or other Beast drawing any Coach, Chariot, Berlin, Landau, Landaulet, Barouche, Chaise, Phaeton, Vis-a-Vis, Calash, Curricle, Car, Chair, Gig, Hearse, Caravan, Litter, or any such like Carriage 0 0 6
For every Horse or other Beast except Asses, drawing any Waggon, Wain, Cart, or other such like Carriage 0 0 4
For every Ass drawing any Cart, Carriage, or other Vehicle 0 0 2
For every Horse, or Mule, laden or unladen, and not drawing 0 0 1½
For every Ass laden or unladen and not drawing 0 0 0½
For every Drove of Oxen, Cows, or Neat Cattle, the sum of Ten-pence per Score, and so in proportion for any greater or less number
For every drove of Calves, Hogs, Sheep, or Lambs, the sum of Five-pence per Score, and so in proportion for any greater or less number.
For every Carriage drawn or impelled by Steam or other Power other than Animal Power, having Two Wheels 0 1 0
And for every such last-mentioned Carriage having more than Two Wheels 0 2 0

Appendix B

The following account, taken from Yr Haul , shows that the various expenses incurred by Rebecca’s Raids, fell, in the long run, on the people themselves:

The Welsh Goblins

Let not Rebecca and her Daughters think it is all honey for them. As likely as not, some of them will have to scratch their heads when making up the losses caused by their late depredations. The expense is falling sweetly on the County this quarter again. On looking over the “Carmarthen Journal,” last issue, in the accounts of this County, amongst other things, we see the following respectable items:

£281 5 7
Paid George Martin and other Police Officers for their attendance at St. Clears to protect Gates, etc.185 19 0
Paid David Jones Nantyclawdd Gate for injury done to Nantyclawdd Toll House22 8 10
Paid David Jones Bwlchyclawdd Gate for injury done to Bwlchyclawdd Gate24 1 0
Paid William Davies, John’s Town, for watching Royal Oak Gate2 2 0
Paid David Edwards, John’s Town, Carmarthen, for watching Royal Oak Gate 2 2 0
Paid David Rees and others appointed in the Hundred of Commott, etc.3 15 0
Paid David Rees and others for watching Llanfihangel Turnpike Gate22 9 0
Paid Thomas Thomas for watching Troedrhiwglyn Gate5 2 0
Paid for protecting Glangwili Gate6 6 6
Paid John Evans and others for protecting Glangwili Gate7 0 3

During last month a large number of gates have been broken and destroyed in the county of Carmarthen, in the Three Hundreds, Llangadock, Pumpsaint, and the middle region near Llandovery; the whole cost will fall on each Hundred where the destruction took place, according to the 7th and 8th George . They do not make a penny cost to the Trusts.


Can newydd sef ychydig o hanes Bywyd Rebecca a’i Merched

Fel y maent yn tori’r Tollbyrth mewn amrywiol fanau. I’w chanu ar y Mesur — “Pray, what will old England come to?”

Cyneswch yn awr Gymry mwynion,
Ymdyrwch yn dirion ym mlaen;
Rhowch osteg ar unwaith yn ddiddig,
Ac yna gwnaf gynnyg rhoi Cân;
Nid ydwyf yn awr yn enllibio,
Na beio nid oes arnaf chwant;
Rhof ’chydig o hanes fel medraf,
O fywyd Rebecca a’r plant.
[Byrdwn.] Nid amal y bu ffasiwn beth!

Rhyw ddynes go ryfedd yw Becca,
Am blanta mi goeliaf yn siwr;
Mae ganddi rai cannoedd o ferched,
Er hyny ’does ganddi’r un gwr;
Mae hyn yn beth achos rhyfeddu,
I bawb yn gyffredin trwy’r wlad,
Pa ffordd y mae Becca yn medru,
Rheoli’r holl blant heb un tad
  Nid amal, etc.

Mae hanes fod Becca a’i merched
Yn myned ar gerdded y nos,
I dori yn ddarnau’r holl Durnpikes,
Rhag talu am dramwy ffyrdd croes,
Mae rhai yn ei chanmol am hyny,
A’r lleill am ei chospi yn llym,
A llawer dyn call gellwch gredu,
Yn tewi a pheidio dweyd dim
  Nid amal, etc.

Aeth Becca a’i merched calonog,
Ryw noswaith yn arfog a hy,
Torasant y tollborth yn hollol
Yn ymyl pen Heol Llwyn-du;
Rhoed hwnw yn gryfach i fyny,
A physt haiarn bwrw’n ddi ball,
Drachefn daeth Rebecca a’i merched
I’w falu mor llwyred a’r llall
  Nid amal, etc.

Bu yno gwnstebli a Soldiers
A’r Cavalry hefyd yn hir
Roedd pawb ar eu goreu yn gwylied,
Rhag Becca a’i merched mae’n wir;
Er cymaint oedd yno yn bugeilia,
Aeth Becca’n llawn ffwdan a ffrwst,
At gate y Drefechan a’i merched,
Fe’i torwyd mor faned a dwst.
  Nid amal, etc.

Argraffwyd ar bapur fod gwobr,
O gan’ punt am roi eglurhad,
A chael y gwirionedd yn berffaith,
Am Becca neu ryw rai o’r had:
Daeth hen Borthmon moch, ac achwynodd,
Pan glywodd fod arian i’w cael,
A rhoed dau ddyn parchus yn ngharchar,
O achos ei gelwydd di sail.
  Nid amal, etc.

Ca’dd rhei’ny eu cadw dan gloion,
Waith dichell echryslon a thwyll;
Ond gwelwyd y camwedd anmherffaith,
’Nol chwilio y gyfraith mewn pwyll;
Hwy gawsant eu rhyddid oddiyno
’Roedd llawer yn bloeddio wrth chwant,
’Roedd digon o dystion nad oeddynt
Yn perthyn i Becca na’i phlant.
  Nid amal, etc.

Er cymaint yn awr sy’n bugeilia,
Mae Becca yn uchel ei phen,
Gate Pwll-y-trap gadd ei thori,
Ryw noswaith, a Gate Efelwen,
Mae’n anhawdd i’r bobl fugeilia,
Plant Becca sy’n gymaint o rif,
Bu rhywun wrth weitio’r hen lodes,
Mi glwais dan ddanedd y llif!
  Nid amal, etc.

’Rwyf finnau yn crynu ar droion,
Rhag ofn cwrdd Becca a’i phlant bach;
Ond gartref arosaf yn ddiddig,
’Does angen am feddyg i’r iach;
Mae’n well i mi lechu yn rhyw gornel,
Heb Dobaco na Snisin na The,
Na chwrdd a Rebecca a’i merched,
Wrth dori hen lidiard rhyw le.
  Nid amal, etc.

Aeth Becca a rhai o’i chenedlaeth,
I Arberth, mi glywais y sôn,
Dinystriwyd y Gwaliau a’r Llidiardau,
A thorwyd y pyst yn y bôn;
Hwy aethant a’r cwbl i’w canlyn,
’Doedd yno na ysglodyn na phren;
’Roedd llawer yn barod pryd hyny
I waeddi mai Becca oedd ben.
  Nid amal, etc.

Fe dorwyd rhai clwydi yn Llandyssul,
A rhai wrth Llansawel yn syn,
A Gate Bwlch y Clawdd a ganfyddais,
Wrth ddarllen yr hanes fel hyn;
A Gates wrth Lanbedr-Pont-Stephan,
Llanon Aberaeron, mewn gwir,
A Gate Abergwaun yn bur hynod,
Lie tiriodd y Ffrancod i’n tir.
  Nid amal, etc.

Mi glywais fod Becca a’r werin,
Gerllaw i Gaerfyrddin yn siwr,
Ryw noswaith yn gweithio’n ddinystriol,
Yn ymyl pen Heol-y Dwr,
Gate arall nid pell o Dremadog,1
A ddrylliwyd yn llidiog i’r llawr;
Gall llawer i feddwl wrth hyna;
Mai Becca yw Trust y ffordd fawr.
  Nid amal, etc.

Y Gate oedd gerllaw i Dregaron,
A daflwyd i’r afon yn lân;
Ac hefyd, tri thollborth yn Mrechfa.
A dorwyd yn ddarnau pur fân;
Fe ddrylliwyd y gate yn Mhenllwynan,
A gates y Felindre fel earth;
Heblaw Castellnewydd-yn-Emlyn,
Pencader, Llanfihangel-ar-Arth.
  Nid amal, etc.

Rhyw ’chydig o hanes fel yma
Sydd genyf am Becca a’i phlant,—
Mae’n ddrwg genyf wel’d aflonyddwch,
Gwir heddwch sydd arnaf fi chwant;
Gobeithio y chwilir y llwybyr
Sydd gy wir, drwy synwyr heb sen;
A chariad gan bawb at ein gilydd
A fyddo byth beunydd yn ben.
[Byrdwn.] Wei felly dymunwn ei bod.

D. D. J., Ll-n-b-th-r a’i cant.


  1. Near Portmadoc, North Wales.

Chronological Index

to the attacks on the various toll-houses, toll-gates, and toll-bars

.

June:Efailwen.
15St. Clears Gate and House.
July17.Efailwen (chain).
Dec.12.Llanfihangel, and Tawe Bridge Gates.

.

Jan.16.Trefechan (Trevaughan) Gate.
16.Pentre.
16.Maeswholan.
Feb.5.Mynydd y Garreg Gate.
13.Tavernspite and Lampeter Gates.
14.Trefechan two Gates and House.
17.Llanddarog Toll-bar.
March6.Robeston Wathen, and Canasten Bridge Gates.
13.Kidwelly Toll House.
17.Penclawdd Gate and House.
29 Narberth Gate.
29.Plaindealings Gate.
29.Cott’s Lane Gate.
April6.Prendergast Gate.
7.Bwlchtrap Gate.
18.Bwlchclawdd Gate and House.
22.Trefechan Gate and House.
29.Llanfihangel Gate.
May5.Pontweli and Troedyrhiw-Gribyn Gates.
12.Fishguard Gate.
26.Water St. Gate (Carmarthen).
June12.Penllwynan.
16.Bwlchyclawdd Toll-house.
19.Carmarthen Workhouse (attack on).
21.Adpar Gate.
21.Henafod Gate.
21.Kerry Gate.
23.Pensarne (Rhos) and Rhydyfuwch Gates, Cardigan.
27.Penygarn Toll-house.
27.Scleddy Gate.
29.Gurreyfach Gate.
30.Llanddarog Gate.
July6.Goppa Fach Bar and House.
6.Pumpsaint Gate.
7.Bolgoed Bar and House.
7.Llandilo Rhwnws Toll-house.
8.Bronvelin Gate.
10.Gwarallt Gate.
14.Porthyrhyd Toll-house.
14.Minke Toll-house.
15.Pontyberem Gate.
15.Pompren Gate.
15.Pumfry Gate.
20.Ystradfeiris Gate.
22.Cenarth Gate.
23.Brynefal Gate.
24.Abergwili Bar.
25.Tyllwyd Gate and Toll-house.
26.Croeslwyd Gate.
Aug.1.Alltfawr Gate and House.
1.Pontarllechan Bar.
1.Llannon Gate and House.
3.Red Lion Gate.
3.Sandy Lime-kiln Gate and House.
3.Aberayron — two Gates.
3.Burton Gate.
3.Tycoch Bar.
4.New Inn Gate.
5.Porthyrhyd Gate and House.
7.Llandilo Walk Gate and House.
9.Penygarn Gate.
16.Bwlchclawdd (Chain, etc.).
19.Porthyrhyd (third time).
23.Croeslwyd (Chain, etc.).
23.Llandebie Common (enclosures).
23.Gellygwernen Private House.
25.Glangwili Toll-house.
25.Little Newcastle.
Sept.1.Greencastle Toll-house.
5.?Pontardulais Gate.
8.Sanders Bridge Gate.
9.Hendy Gate (Sarah Williams shot).
12.Parcymorfa Gate and House.
12.Fishguard Gate and House.
13.Llechryd Weir.
14.Mansant Farm.
14.Carregsawdde Gate and Toll-house.
14.Pontarllechan Gate and Toll-house.
14.Mountain Gate and Toll-house
14.Waunystradfeiris Gate and Toll-house.
14.Pontardulais Gate.
17.Pontardulais Bar.
18.Porthyrhyd Gate.
21.Dwelling-house and Buildings at Gwynfe.
29.Cwmdwr Gate and House.
Oct.1.Nantyranell Farm.
3.Dolau hirion Gate and House.
3.Cefn Llanddewi Gate.
7.Aberduar (stables).
?Llangurig Gate.
11.Rhayader Old Gate.
11.Cwmglyn Gate.
11.Cross Lane Gate.
12.Penllwynys Farm.
14.Blackpool Weir.
19.Cross vaen Gate.
21.Gwarygraig Farm.
21.Tynymynydd Farm.
25.Sutton Weeks Gate.
Nov.3.North, East, and West Gates, Rhayader.
7.Cwmtoyddur Hill Gate.
14.Llwynffynongro Farm.
20.Mardy Gate.
Dec.10.Waunystradfeiris Gate.
19.Llanddausant.
25.Glasbury Gate

.

Feb.7.Llangerrig Gate
21.Plasbach Gate.
March27.Pensarne Gate.
April17.Brynlloi Side-gate.
21.Plasbach Gate and House.

Here are a few more data points regarding the “Rebecca Riots.” A letter from Colonel George Rice Trevor includes this detail:

I have just heard that on there was a meeting held in the village of Pontyberem, attended by 2 or 300 persons, most of whom, it is said, were armed and disguised, and that there were several hundred more who appeared to be lookers on. These men, it is said, made the inn-keeper swear not to entertain Lewis, the Toll Collector, and also made some special constables promise not to serve, and took away their staves.

A later letter from the same author shows how difficult it was for the government to get local juries to act against the rioters, and the extent to which the government was going to try to find cooperative witnesses:

About , a party of men disguised in white dresses, went to Hendy Gate, about half a mile from Pontarddulais. They carried out the furniture from the toll-house, and told the old woman, whose name was Sarah Williams, to go away and not return. She went to the house of John Thomas, a labourer, and called him to assist in extinguishing the fire at the toll-house, which had been ignited by the Rebeccaites. The old woman then re-entered the toll-house. The report of a gun or pistol was soon afterwards heard. The old woman ran back to John Thomas’s house, fell down at the threshold, and expired within two minutes. She had received several cautions to collect no more tolls. On an inquest was held before William Bonville, Coroner. Two surgeons, Ben Thomas, Llanelli, and John Kirkhouse Cooke, Llanelli, gave evidence that on the body were marks of shot, some penetrating the nipple of left breast, on in the armpit of the same side, and several shot marks on both arms. Two shots were found in the left lung. In spite of all this evidence the jury found “that the deceased died from effution of blood into the chest occasioned, suffocation, but from what cause is to this jury unknown.”

[T]he Secretary of State will authorise the offer by you of Her Majesty’s most gracious pardon to any person concerned in the murder of the woman at Ponthendy gate, who shall give information and evidence so as to convict the offenders, excepting such persons as actually fired the shot which deprived her of life. And also that he will recommend of the payment of a further reward of £200 in addition to that sum offered by Mr. Chambers for the detection of the persons who set her property on fire, excepting always anyone who actually set fire to the premises and stacks, and so that no principal offender shall receive any part of the award in question. He will advise in this case the grant of Her Majesty’s most gracious pardon to an accomplice under the same restriction, namely, that it is not to be extended to any one who actually set fire to any of the property consumed.

A page devoted to Trevor, the government’s main man on the ground in Carmarthen includes these details:

George Rice Trevor rushed back from his London residence to take over the responsibility of law and order in Carmarthenshire from his elderly father, a task he undertook with evident relish. And when Rebecca burned down corn stacks on his own Dinefwr estate in Llandeilo he quickly discovered he had a personal interest in the drama that was rapidly developing in his own backyard. And there was more to come, as his biographer in the Dictionary of National Biography (DNB) reveals:

Trevor assured a meeting of magistrates at Newcastle Emlyn in that he would order troops to fire on the rioters if necessary. The response of the protesters was predictably fearsome: in , they audaciously dug a grave within sight of Dinefwr Castle, the family seat, and announced that Trevor would occupy it by . Trevor, however, surrounded by soldiers, survived unscathed.

A note in the book The Statutes of Wales gives more evidence as to the antiquity of the peculiar form of the insurrection:

Although the Rebecca riots are chiefly remembered in connection with Wales, it is extremely interesting to note that nearly one hundred years earlier similar disturbances took place in England, where turnpikes had been first established. In , a great number of people in Somersetshire and Gloucestershire, some disguised in women’s clothes, headed by leaders on horseback with blackened faces, had attacked the turnpike gates in those counties. They were called “Jack a Lents.” The course of these disturbances was much like that of the later Rebecca riots of the nineteenth century in Wales.

Following is a report on a paper that George Thomas read before the Cardiff Naturalists Society on “The Riots of Rebecca and Her Daughters”:

In the early part of his paper Mr. Thomas pointed out that the phrase “Rebecca and her Daughters,” by which the turnpike rioters of South Wales were known, had probably a Biblical origin, being assumed in irreverent allusion to the blessing pronounced on Rebekah, Isaac’s wife, — “Be thou the mother of thousands of millions, and let thy seed possess the gate of those which hate them.” (Genesis ⅹⅹⅳ. 60.) The name “Becca” was not confined to one individual, but was given to the leader for the occasion. Similar disturbances had occurred in Gloucestershire and Herefordshire as far back as , accounts of which appear in the public prints of the time.

The “Becca” riots in South Wales took place in . They originated in the circumstances of the turnpike roads being held under separate trusts, the trustees of which found it necessary, in order to protect the interest of the tally-holders, to place their gates near the confines of their districts, so as to prevent persons from other districts travelling over their roads free of charge. It thus happened that, while persons living and travelling within any given district were usually charged with only one toll for the use of a considerable length of road, those living on the borders and having occasion to travel out of the district had frequently to pay at two gates within a comparatively short distance. This was not unnaturally felt to be a grievance, and Becca’s action was at first directed to its removal, though not by legitimate means. “She” was at first disguised in woman’s clothes, and when attacking a gate called on her “children” to pull it down. Persons more ill-disposed than the original malcontents were soon mixed up in the disturbances, which speedily assumed a serious aspect, and culminated in threatening letters, theft, arson, and murder. Several country gentlemen in the County of Carmarthen appealed through the Press to the better feelings of the people. Amongst others were Mr. Johnes, of Dolau Cothi, who issued an address to the inhabitants of Conwil Gaio: Col. Trevor (afterwards Lord Dynevor), who issued a proclamation as Deputy Lord-Lieutenant; Mr. Fitzwilliams and Mr. William Chambers, junior. The bard “Tegid” (once Hebrew Professor at Oxford) made a fervent appeal to the people of Nevern parish; and “Brutus,” the talented editor of the Haul, firmly supported the unpopular side of law and order. The chief incidents in connection with Becca’s proceedings began in the neighbourhood of St. Clears and Whitland on . Trefechan Gate was destroyed, Pentre and “Maeswholan” soon followed. , Mynydd-y-Garreg Gate destroyed; , Tavernspite and Lampeter Gates destroyed; , Bwlch-y-Clawdd Tollhouse demolished; , Bwlchtrap Gate destroyed; Trefechan Toll-house demolished; , Pont Twelly and Troed-y-Rhiw Gribyn Toll-gates destroyed; , Water Street Gate, Carmarthen, destroyed. After Water Street Gate was destroyed, some persons from Talog passed through before it was replaced, and refused to pay toll. For this they were fined by the Magistrates at Carmarthen Petty Sessions, and constables were sent from Carmarthen to levy the fines. The constables were, however, forced to return without executing the distress warrants. About 30 pensioners were then sworn in to assist in executing the warrants, and having seized the goods of one Harries, of Talog, they were on their way to Carmarthen, surrounded by about 400 of the Beccas (about one hundred of whom carried guns) and obliged to fire their pistols in the air and to give them up. They were then forced to march to Trawsmawr, the residence of Captain D. Davies, who had signed the warrants, and to return emptyhanded to Carmarthen. The walls round Trawsmawr were demolished, and it was reported that the pensioners were compelled to assist in their destruction. Further damage was done to the walls and plantations at Trawsmawr by the rioters on the night of . , Penllwynau Gate and House destroyed. On , riots took place at Talog, and on meetings were held in the evening at Trelech, Talog, Blaen-y-Coed, and Conwil, at which it was resolved that ’Becca and her children should visit Carmarthen on the ensuing Monday. Rich and poor were required to be present at the Plough and Harrow Public-house, Bwlch Newydd, at eleven o’clock, on pain of having their houses and barns burnt. On the , Melindre Siencyn Toll house was demolished, and Bwlch-y-Clawdd Toll-house shared the same fate. On , ’Becca was discomfitted at Carmarthen Workhouse by the 4th Dragoons (Queen’s Own) under Major Parlby. On this occasion, the late John Lloyd Davies, of Blaen-dyffryn, with his friend, John Lloyd, of Allt-yr-Odyn, met a large body of men on their march to Carmarthen, with the view of “showing their strength,” and tried to dissuade them from their unwise purpose, promising to exert himself to get their grievances inquired into. His patriotic counsel was given in vain. The procession reached from the gaol through Spilman Street, Church Street, St. Peter Street, to the King Street end of Conduit Lane, and numbered from 2,000 to 2,500 persons. A man disguised with long hair rode in front on rather a low horse. It is believed that at first there was no intention to commit excesses, and that the country people were led to the workhouse by some town roughs. Others maintain that the attack on the workhouse was deliberately resolved on at the meetings held the previous Wednesday at Talog and other places. Be that as it may, to the workhouse they went. The dragoons were expected earlier than they arrived, having, it is said, been misdirected by a countryman whom they met between Pont-ar-Ddulais and Carmarthen. They came just in time to save the workhouse, and possibly the neighbouring brewery, the contents of which might have given further impulse to the fury of the rioters. They were met by Mr. T.C. Morris, Mayor, who rode on with their officer. Sweeping through Red Street and Barn Row, they charged, at gallop, up the hill, their armour glistening in the sun. Just at this instant, the work of destruction had begun, the beds being thrown out through the windows. It was amusing to witness the consternation the arrival of the soldiers occasioned. The country people fled in every direction, like ants when an ant-hill is disturbed, fleeing they knew not whither, none seeming to look back. A goodly number were taken within the workhouse walls, many of them being merely curious spectators of what was going on. , Penygarn Toll-house destroyed. , Llandilo-rhwnws Toll-house destroyed. , riot at Talog. , Pont-ar-Lechau Toll-house destroyed; , Porth-y-Rhyd Toll-house demolished; , the house of D. Harries, Pant-y-Fen, invaded; murderous attack on Mr. Edwards, Gelli Gwernen, near Llanon. , Glangwili Tollhouse demolished. Riot at Pont-y-Berem , £500 offered for discovery of the ringleader. , Llanddarog Toll-house attacked. , Sarah Williams, aged 75, toll-collector of Hendy Gate, Llanedy, was shot at the gate-house; hitherto the riots had been free from bloodshed. The first life taken was that of the old woman; she had ignored repeated summonses served upon her by Rebeccaites to quit the place, and in the small hours of a Sabbath morn woke to find her thatched cottage in flames. Rushing out, she raised piercing cries, and hurrying to the house of a neighbour piteously appealed for assistance — er mwyn Duw — to put out the fire. He, grasping the situation, and fearful of the consequences, refused to move. She returned, and was making frenzied efforts to save her “household goods” from the flames, when the report of a rifle was heard, and staggering forward, the woman fell dead, the bullet having pierced her breast. Some consolation for this cowardly deed may be obtained from the fact supplied by a subsequent confession that it was the thoughtless act of a youth, and that there had been no intention whatever to injure the poor, offenceless creature. This tragic incident filled the party with consternation, and they quickly returned from whence they came. Actions such as these caused a revulsion in public feeling, and as disintegrating influences were actively at work within the ranks of the rioters, the task of the authorities, especially as their arrangements gained completeness, became easier. After this about a dozen toll-houses and gales were destroyed, and the house of Mr. Rees, Llandebie, demolished.

Much was expected by the reverse suffered by the rioters at Carmarthen, but subsequent events showed that those had been oversanguine who, in the first flush of victory, had been tempted to believe the campaign over. Far from being the end, it was merely the beginning. Carmarthen was the scene of the first open defiance of the law.

In the police and the ’Beccas came into collision at Pontardulais. Acting upon the statement of an “informer,” Captain Napier, the superintendent, and eight armed police, lay in ambush near a threatened gate. “Mid-night gave the signal sound of strife.” A body of mounted men galloped down the road, dismounted and wrecked a smithy, and then the adjacent gate. They had well nigh completed their self-imposed task when the police “broke cover.” Volleys were exchanged with disastrous results, for the rioters, in the lurid glare of the torches they carried, afforded excellent targets for practice for the police. A battle ensued, and the rioters, demoralised by the surprise, fled, leaving six prisoners in the hands of the law. Once clear of the melee, they rallied and attempted a rescue, but the police, having meanwhile being reinforced by some soldiers, easily beat off their assailants. One of the prisoners, who had been severely wounded, was a young farmer of Llannon, John Hughes by name, subsequently transported for twenty years. He was a few years back a wealthy landowner in Tasmania. The increased vigilance of the authorities; the reaction in public sentiment; and the growing heinousness of the acts committed in the name of Rebecca were factors in promoting the rapid decline of the movement. On , the Royal Commissioners formally entered upon their duties; I knew two of them personally, — the Hon. Robert Henry Give, Lord Windsor’s grandfather, and Major Bowen, father of the late Mr. Bowen, Q.C. They made full and diligent enquiry into the state of the laws administered in South Wales regulating the maintenance of turnpike roads, highways, and bridges; and also into the circumstances which led to acts of violence in certain districts. The suppression of the riots was followed by this inquiry into their cause, and the result was the passing of the South Wales Turnpike Act, which remedied the evils that led to them. The disturbances may be said to have terminated with the capture of “Shoni ’Scybor Fawr,” whose violence and daring made him the terror not less of the police than the country folk with whom he professed to be in sympathy. A noted pugilist of magnificent physique, Shoni had used his giant’s strength like a giant. I knew Shoni, and recollect him fighting at a Llandaff fair, and I can recall when he engaged to fight Harry Jones, of Cardiff, on the Great Heath. In this they were disturbed by county magistrates acting in the Hundred of Kibbor, when two justices, the late T.W. Booker Blakemore, of Velindre, and the late Rev. R. Prichard, came on the scene. Shoni and Harry, with hundreds of their backers, fled, and having crossed the river Rhymney by a wooden bridge near Coedygoras, they fought on the other side of the river in the county of Monmouth, and out of the jurisdiction of the Glamorgan Justices. Shoni was a native of Yscubor Fawr, Penderyn, near Merthyr Tydfil, and a brassfitter by trade. He was taken by a band of constables of A Division of the London Police, at the Five Roads Tavern, Pontyberem, who pounced upon him unawares, and before he could grasp his gun had his wrists in the embrace of the “darbies.” It was with a sense of relief the people received the intelligence of his capture. About twenty of those captured at Carmarthen on the fateful day of the demonstration, were tried before Baron Gurney and Mr. Justice Cresswell, were found guilty, and ten of them sentenced to be transported. Amongst the prisoners found guilty before Judge Cresswell, were two of more notoriety than the rest: “Shoni ’Scybor Fawr,” and “Dai y Cantwr.” Shoni, an ignorant ruffianly fellow, convicted of the more heinous offences committed during the period, was sent to transportation for life. “Dai,” whose sentence was for twenty years, was a man of a different stamp, and deserved the pity generally extended to him. He was a native of Treguff, in the parish of Llancarfan. While imprisoned, awaiting his removal, “Dai y Cantwr,” who was a poet of considerable merit, composed a lament, which, if your good patience will allow, I will read to you.

Lament of DAVID DAVIES (Dai’r Cantwr) when in Carmarthen Gaol for the Becca Riot.

(Translation by Evan Watkin, Jun., Pentyrch, from the Welsh).

Alas! what a sight to the world I shall be,
I have lost all the fame I could win were I free,
Unworthy is the brand and heavy the blow,
And sad is the way I was brought to my woe.
While yet but a youth I’ve misfortune and pain,
My freedom I lose and my bondage I gain;
Commencing life’s journey, an exile am I,
Sent forth from my country, it may be to die.
My father I’m leaving — his kindness and care,
In a land among; negroes my home they’ll prepare.
O’er seas I’ll be carried far from this loved shore,
How sad the misfortune — I’ll see no more.
I am going as an exile, I am going in my tears,
I am borne into bondage for twenty long years,
Ah! long will it be ere I’ll see you again,
For sore are the means and the sorrow’ll remain.

The song that I sing is a farewell song
To the dear native land I have loved so long,
For the good I have got, in the days that are past,
On the banks of her rivers so famed and so fast.
Farewell unto Cambria — to leave thee I am bound,
Farewell every meadow and bush-covered mound;
If in the whole world there’s a garden to see,
Oh! beautiful Britain ’tis thee, it is thee.
Farewell, sons of Gomer, for soon I shall be
Sent forth to a land that’s a Babel to me;
My journey is long, o’er the ocean’s wild wave,
May God be my guardian — He’s mighty to save.
Farewell, lovely maidens, so fresh and so fair,
The beauty of none with your own will compare;
As nature has power by pain to atone,
This David must leave you to suffer alone.

Treguff with its palace will soon be forgot,
For anguish and sorrow is David’s sad lot,
The thought of journey is melting my heart,
As far over the billows I soon must depart.
Saint Athan rich parish must read in my rhyme,
And Cadoxton, too, where I dwelt for a time,
And often and long I’ll remember Bridgend,
May God be with all to protect and defend.
Oh! noble Glamorgan, I bid thee good cheer,
Thy bells will be tolled never more on my ear,
To tell of thy meadows and dales I will dare,
The Garden of Eden was never more fair.
Farewell unto Monmouth so dear to my heart,
And Troed-y-Rhiw’r Clawdd which is strong on my part;
And as for the people who dwell at Tredegar,
To do me a kindness they ever were eager.

It may be that someone will ask with delight,
The name of the bard who has striven to write;
And seeing that now he is going away,
I’m certain you’ll grant him permission to say.
In the land of Glamorgan this gladsome youth dwelt,
And now in his fetters his heart would fain melt,
In a Carmarthenshire prison he’s safe in his cell,
By anguish more torn than he ever can tell.
Llancarfan’s the parish that had my life’s morn,
Treguir, in that parish, is where I was bom.
And now, as I am going to quit your bright shore,
I’ll give you my name, for I’ll see you no more;
My name’s David Davies, I bid adieu;
May God give long life and protection to you.

In conclusion, I may say I am greatly indebted to Mr. Spurrell’s “Caermarthen and its neighbourhood,” and to Mr. David Davies, for his account of “Rebecca and her daughters” in the Red Dragon, vol. Ⅺ.

The Bro Beca Project is collecting information about the Rebecca Riots. They’ve also hosted toll-house burning reenactments, and a ballad competition to reward poets who memorialize the Rebeccaites.

An article by James Mason from an edition of Littell’s Living Age shows how the sharp edges of the story’s details were starting to wear away as it got preserved for history:

Rebecca and Her Daughters

What were known as the “Rebecca riots” took place in South Wales about fifty years ago, and form a curious and exciting chapter in the history of that portion of the principality.

Far beyond the memory of the oldest inhabitant the people there had been going on in a quiet way, attracting little notice and giving no trouble. All of a sudden, however, they developed into moonlighters, running wild between supper and breakfast time, taking the law into their own hands, and demolishing public property in a wholesale fashion.

There was a good deal that was comic about their proceedings, and the impression made on the rest of Great Britain was much what would be produced in ourselves if some of our decorous friends were, without any preliminary intimation, to take to playing the part of clowns and mountebanks. The rioters at first were almost frolicsome, and if peaceful districts were turned upside down it was done with such good-humor that outsiders felt more inclined to laugh than regard it seriously.

Those who took an active part were invariably headed by a man dressed in woman’s clothes, who went by the name of Miss Rebecca. The costume might have been assumed because it made a good disguise, but ill-natured people were not wanting who held it to be a concession to the popular notion that there is a woman at the bottom of every mischief. Many of those who accompanied Rebecca were disguised in the same fashion, so that they looked like a family party, and came, naturally enough, to be known as “Rebecca and her daughters.”

The first cause of all the disturbance was toll-gates. These were objects of Rebecca’s hatred, and to pull them down and smash them in pieces was the end of her midnight expeditions. She got her name, indeed, through this destructive occupation. They called her Rebecca in allusion to Genesis ⅹⅹⅳ. 60: “And they blessed Rebekah, and said unto her, Thou art our sister, … and let thy seed possess the gate of those which hate them.”

It was no imaginary grievance. The tolls then levied in South Wales constituted an unfair and intolerable burden. Every town and almost every village was approached by a gate, the road trusts of South Wales being eager to lay hands on money, for through bad management they were, without exception, deep in debt.

The people lived in a perfect network of toll-gates and bars, and going even a few miles meant sometimes a heavy expense. Farmers and dealers making their way to fair or market, not unfrequently found by the end of their journey that they had paid away in tolls more than the value of their load. One man trading in the neighborhood of Merthyr Tydvil told that he had four turnpike gates to pass through within six miles.

There were five different trusts leading into the town of Carmarthen, and it was stated by the clerk of one of these, that any person passing through the town in a particular direction would have to pay at three turnpike gates in a distance of three miles. This might not seem objectionable to a man driving to see his sweetheart, but no one can wonder at hard-working people in pursuit of business finding it a hardship. It was all the worse because times were bad and the greater number of those using the roads had little capital to boast of except their own industry.

Who first suggested making war on these gates is unknown. The first act in the campaign occurred in the summer of . Four gates had been erected in a trust called the Whitland Trust, on the borders of Pembroke and Carmarthen, and it was generally held that the erection was illegal. It might have been so, but the trustees had large powers, and in Carmarthenshire at least they would have been within their rights had they established a gate and demanded toll at intervals of a hundred yards each throughout the county. The gates had not been up a week when the country people assembled one fine evening about six o’clock and pulled them down “amidst all sorts of noise and disturbance and great jollity.” The fun of the thing seems to have been considerable, and the rioters made no attempt at concealment. No one interfered with them, and when the gates were demolished they dispersed quietly to their homes.

The trustees resolved to re-erect the gates, but a number of noblemen and gentlemen of the county who sympathized with the people qualified as trustees, and by their votes overturned this decision. Peace was now secured for a time, but the enemies of toll-gates felt they had scored a victory, and laid their heads together to plan destruction on a grand scale.

The plot took some time in hatching, and nothing happened till the early part of . Rebecca then began operations with a large following, well mounted and sometimes armed.

The demolition of gates began in Carmarthenshire, and the infection quickly spread, extending first to the neighboring counties of Pembroke and Cardigan, and then to Radnorshire and Glamorganshire. The only one of the south Welsh counties that escaped the influence of Rebecca was Brecknock.

Gate after gate disappeared before the axe and hatchet. In what was known as the Three Commons Trust in Carmarthenshire there were twenty-one gates and bars, and all were made an end of but two. In many other trusts the damage done was on the same scale; some had not even a single gate left standing. When the outbreak began there were in the county of Carmarthen alone between a hundred and a hundred and fifty gates. Of these between seventy and eighty were soon swept away.

The method adopted was a rough-and-ready one, and as cheerful as Rebecca and her lively family could make it. The toll-collector and his family, all snug in bed, are wakened about midnight by a clattering of horses’ hoofs outside. Then half-a-dozen horns blow a blast, and a thundering knock comes to the door.

The collector, knowing too well that it announces the end of his occupation, looks out, and by the light of the moon sees a considerable troop of horsemen. There are a few men on foot, but the greater number are mounted. One dressed as a woman seems to be taking the lead — that is Rebecca. About her is a bodyguard, with shirts over their clothes and faces blackened, and wearing bonnets or the tall hats of their Welsh wives.

The door being opened, they assure the inmates that they mean no personal harm, Rebecca making war not against people, but against toll-bars. “Get out your furniture,” says that mysterious commander, “and then be off with you!”

They set to work to remove the furniture, Rebecca’s troop meanwhile devoting attention to the gates. The strong oak posts are sawn off close to the ground, and then with hatchets and handbills the gates themselves are broken in fragments.

Tables, chairs, beds, and bedding are soon piled up by the wayside, after which the word of command is given, and willing hands begin the destruction of the house, and never leave off till nothing remains but a dusty heap of bricks, laths, and plaster.

Their work ended, they make the gatekeeper kneel down and swear never again to earn a living by collecting tolls on the queen’s highway. They mount their horses, there is a triumphal performance on the horns and off they gallop, leaving the débris of the toll-gates and toll-house littering the road, and the collector, with his wife and children, watching over their “bits o’ sticks” and wondering whether the whole affair is not a dream.

Who the destroyers of gates were and whence they came no one knew, and whither they went when their work was done no one knew either. They left no trace any more than if they had been spirits of the air and their leader the queen of ghosts and shadows. The country day by day, after their midnight pranks, was as quiet as one could wish it to be. It was evident that they were well organized and disciplined, and fully aware of the importance of keeping their own counsel.

Many guesses were hazarded on the subject of Rebecca. Some said she was a “disappointed provincial barrister” — an improbable solution of the mystery. Others would have it that she was a political agitator, bent on making the abolition of tolls the seventh point in the Chartist programme, and “dark hints were dropped and mysterious stories told of strangers seen here and there, and men in gigs, of suspicious appearance and without ostensible business, who were, beyond all doubt, connected with the movement.”

“But,” says a contemporary writer, “the supposed sole chief and director of the campaign must have been gifted with ubiquity, for Rebecca was in three or four counties at the same moment,—

Methinks there be two Richmonds in the field!

With one hand she smote an obnoxious toll-gate in Radnorshire, and with the other she cleared a free passage for the traveller to the wild coast of Pembroke.”

The probability is that each district had its own Rebecca, who planned the various enterprises, and was recognized as chief by the rest of the band. Whether the districts worked independently, or had a common centre of action, is uncertain.

The forces of Rebecca for a while had pretty much their own way; indeed, the contest with the authorities was a very unequal one. Of all the counties affected, only Glamorganshire at that time possessed any paid constabulary, or any force that could be of service.

When a gate had been pulled down it was labor thrown away to re-erect it, for Rebecca was sure to pay another visit and level it to the ground again. One gate was destroyed five times in succession.

Finding that restoring gates, rebuilding houses, and offering large rewards for the apprehension of the rioters failed to produce any satisfactory result, the trustees lost heart. Roads were left free of toll, and people went to and fro without having any longer to put their hands in their pockets every two or three miles.

This was a popular triumph, and brought to a close the first act in the comedy of Rebecca.

The appetite for agitation grew by what it fed on. One subject for discontent suggested another, and so on, till many of the imaginative natives of South Wales began to consider themselves the most ill-used people under the sun.

The cry of down with toll-bars had added to it down with a dozen other grievances. For the discussion of these, meetings were held on hillsides, by mountain streams, and in all sorts of out-of-the-way places. They were attended chiefly by small farmers, an industrious and thrifty class but almost entirely without education, and incapable of estimating at their true value any assertions that might be made to them.

Amongst the subjects of complaint were the operation of the Poor Law Amendment Act, the cost and difficulty of recovering small debts, and the payment of tithes. Then Englishmen in office in South Wales were objected to, so were high rents, so were increased county rates, so were fees paid to magistrates’ clerks in the administration of justice — in short, Rebecca was called upon to deal with everything inconvenient and unpopular.

Their growing confidence and excellent spirits now induced Rebecca and her daughters to vary their midnight exploits by showing what they could do by the light of day. A demonstration was planned for the , and the scene of it was to be the ancient town of Carmarthen.

About a large body of rioters was seen approaching Water Street gate from the country beyond. Fear multiplied their numbers, and the news ran like wildfire through Carmarthen that there were thousands of them. A band of music came first, thundering forth the warlike strains of “The Men of Harlech.” Next came Rebecca’s regiment of infantry, an irregular host, in which some bore inflammatory placards, and others cudgels, saws, axes, and hatchets, whilst a few carried brooms to let people know how they intended to sweep away every sort of grievance. After these rode Miss Rebecca, and the rear was brought up by about three hundred farmers on horseback.

At Water Street Gate they met with no obstacle; the gate, in fact, had been cleared out of the way by them some time before. They swarmed up the narrow, steep streets, gathering in numbers as they went. All the loafers joined them, so did all the mischievous and all the discontented of the town. Scores of women, too, fell into the ranks.

When they reached the Guildhall the magistrates were there consulting as to what steps should be taken for the public safety. The mob hooted at them and then turned away to execute the main business that had brought them together. That was the destruction of the Union Workhouse.

They found the lodge-gate and porter’s door of the unpopular edifice securely fastened, and there was a high wall running right round the building. A few of the more nimble climbed the wall, got possession of the keys, and let in the rest. As they did so the clangor of the alarm bell, tugged at by the governor of the workhouse, was added to the martial music of their own band. The horsemen rode into the yard, whilst the rioters on foot entered the building and began pulling down doors and partitions and throwing beds out of the windows.

But they were not going to get it all their own way for long. Information of the intended rising had been obtained by the authorities some days before, and in consequence a troop of the 4th Light Dragoons had been ordered to march to Carmarthen from Cardiff.

The morning of the tenth saw them on the road. Just after passing through Neath, thirty-six miles from their destination, an express met them with an entreaty to make haste, for the demonstration had been fixed for that very day. They pushed on, riding the last fifteen miles in an hour and a half. Two horses fell dead from fatigue just as they entered Carmarthen.

The rioters were warming to their work when the dragoons arrived. With the dragoons came a magistrate, who pulled out the Riot Act, and charged all present “immediately to disperse themselves and peaceably to depart to their habitations or to their lawful business.”

Rebecca’s children made answer by a rush on the soldiers. But they got the worst of it. The dragoons charged, using the flat of their swords, and the rioters soon took to their heels, many who were in the courtyard finding it wise to escape over the wall. About a hundred were taken prisoners, and amongst the spoils were several horses abandoned by their riders. Some of the prisoners were afterwards tried and convicted.

Ill-disposed and designing people now got the upper hand in the councils of Rebecca, and the movement, as every lawless movement is sure to do, went from bad to worse. Under pretense of exposing public wrongs, those who had any private grievances contrived to gratify their spite. Every man who had fallen out with his neighbor and wished to do him an ill turn had now an opportunity.

Letters signed “Rebecca,” or “Becca,” or “Rebecca and her Daughters,” began flying about, conveying hints of vengeance to those who refused to comply with the demands of the writers. They were directed to tithe-owners, turnpike commissioners, toll collectors, magistrates, landlords, and all who for any reason had incurred popular displeasure.

The vice-lieutenant of Carmarthenshire, for example, was informed that a grave had been dug for him in the park of his father, Lord Dynevor, and that he would be laid in it before a day named. To the vicar of two small rural parishes on the coast of Cardiganshire, Rebecca sent word that if he did not make restitution of a sum he had unjustly received he would soon find the balance on the wrong side.

“Unless you give back the money,” she wrote, “I, with five hundred or six hundred of my daughters, will come and visit you and destroy your property five times to the value of it, and make you a scorn and reproach throughout the whole neighborhood.”

This clergyman states that his existence was rendered miserable by the letters he received, and that it had nearly killed his wife. “We never,” he says, “go to bed without having a wardrobe moved to the window as a protection against firearms.”

Besides firing shots in at windows, the discontented followers of Rebecca embarked in incendiarism and set many a haystack in a blaze. One farmer in Carmarthenshire had five fires in one week, in addition to having a horse shot and agricultural machinery broken and thrown into a pit.

They took to dictating to landlords the terms on which they were to let ground to tenants, and to tenants the terms on which they were to rent ground from landlords. The leaders, too, began to levy blackmail on farmers who took part in the riots. A note would come: “You must send such and such a contribution to Rebecca on such a night,” and the farmer who declined knew what to expect.

The humor of Rebecca was at an end. From being a humorist she had become a tyrant. Even the destruction of toll-gates lost its grotesque side and grew to be little else than a matter of ruffianism. Previously, the gate-keepers had been very leniently dealt with, no attempt, except in rare instances, being made either to injure them or to destroy or plunder their property. Now, however, they had a bad time of it, for when a gate was demolished a beating for the man who had kept it came to be the customary termination of the proceedings.

An encounter marked by some ugly features took place at a gate on the borders of Glamorganshire and Carmarthenshire. Something was suspected, and eight policemen had been told off to hide in a neighboring field.

About midnight the forces of Rebecca, including a hundred horsemen, made an attack on the gate. It was soon in pieces, but before the work of destruction was finished the eight constables jumped over the hedge and rushed forward, hoping to secure the ringleaders.

The rioters at once discharged a volley. The police in turn drew their pistols and fired, wounding several and killing the horse of the captain of the gang.

A tough fight followed, ending in Rebecca’s men running off. Six prisoners were left in the clutches of the police, two of them severely wounded. One of these prisoners was a young farmer, who on being tried was sentenced to transportation for life.

A still more unfortunate incident happened at a gate between Llanelly, in Carmarthenshire, and Pontardulais. It was kept by an old woman — she was over seventy years of age. Numerous letters had been received by her to the effect that if she did not leave the gate her house would be burned over her head; but she took no notice of them, and stuck to her post.

About three o’clock one Sunday morning she awoke to find that the threat was being put in execution — the thatch of her dwelling was in a blaze. She jumped out of bed and ran to a cottage close by, calling on the inmates for help to put out the fire. They, however, would do nothing — for fear, they said, of Rebecca’s vengeance.

The old woman hastened home to save what little she could of her humble furniture, but had hardly reached the door when a shot struck her, fired apparently by one of the band who had set a light to the thatch. She died within a few minutes.

It was asserted afterwards — but the evidence is not conclusive — that the fatal shot was “the random act of a lad who accompanied the party, and was fired without any previous or deliberate intention to take her life.” What is certain is, that this was the first life sacrificed in Rebecca’s raids.

Quiet people began to feel uncomfortable, for there was no saying what might happen next. Government was appealed to and urged to do something by way of restoring order. As a first step in that direction troops were sent down to South Wales, and the command of the disturbed districts was entrusted to an officer of experience.

Soldiers were now quartered in the neighborhood of every remaining tollgate; they gave protection to those who bad excited popular ill-will, and kept an eye on all suspected persons. Select companies of London police also appeared on the scene, and were dotted about in villages and hamlets.

This brought to a close some of the more objectionable doings of Rebecca, but did not end her crusade against tollbars. She and her daughters knew the country a great deal better than those who bad been sent to circumvent them, and under cover of night could swoop down on a gate and demolish both it and the collector’s dwelling, without a single soldier or policeman in the vicinity being aware of their goings on.

The military and police were not even wise after the event, for the sympathies of the country people, not to speak of their interests, being with Rebecca, one and all when questioned assumed an impenetrable air of ignorance and reserve. The incomers too were sadly hampered in their inquiries by not knowing a word of Welsh. Occasionally, Rebecca, by way of a joke, would circulate false reports, and troopers would be sent in hot haste over hill and dale to protect gates that were in no danger, finding on their return that the real point of attack had been at the other end of the district.

The restoration of order was greatly helped by the appointment of a government commission of inquiry, whose business it was to investigate on the spot the various grievances of the natives of South Wales.

This commission began its sittings in Carmarthen on the , and in the beginning of issued a report, which, by its temperate statement of the hardship of the toll-gate, secured the passing of an act known as the South Wales Turnpike Act, its chief provision being that no gate should be erected within seven miles of another unless they freed each other. This satisfied most people. Rebecca and her daughters retired into private life, and the lively chapter they had contributed to the history of the principality came to a close.


I noted one author’s comparison of the Rebecca Rioters to another set of tollbooth-destroyers a century earlier called “Jack a Lents.” Hunting up information on the Jack a Lents has been tougher, but there are some notes in Thomas Wright’s England Under the House of Hanover:

The following particulars relating to these insurgents are taken from the Daily Gazetteer of and :—

There are now committed to the county gaol two, and more are daily expected, of the Ledbury rioters, who rather deserve the name of rebels, for they appeared a hundred in a gang, armed with guns and swords, as well as axes to hew down the turnpikes, and were dressed in women’s apparel, with high-crown’d hats, and their faces blacken’d. I suppose you have heard of the attack they made at Ledbury on the , when in two hours’ time they cut down five or six turnpikes to the ground; but, before they had gone through all their work, they were disturbed by a worthy magistrate in the neighbourhood, John Skipp, Esq.; who, being in the commission of the peace, caused the proclamation to be read against riots, and then the act of Parliament; but to no purpose; for this gentleman, with his servants and neighbours, going to defend the last turnpike, a skirmish ensued, in which he took two of those miscreants prisoners, whom he secured for that night in his own house; but the whole gang appeared soon after, who demanded the said prisoners, threatening, in case of refusal, to pull his house down, and burn his barns and stables, and immediately discharged several loaded pieces into the house, which happily did no damage. The justice finding himself and family beset in such a manner, discharged several blunderbusses and fowling-pieces at them, whereby one was shot dead on the spot, and several so wounded, that ’tis not believed they will recover. At this the rioters fled with precipitation, leaving their two companions behind them. But ’tis fear’d that more blood will yet be spilt, the country being in the greatest confusion, and I am informed that an attempt is designed upon the county gaol; but the quarter sessions being to be held next week, a petition will no doubt be presented to the justices for relief.

You have already heard that two men were committed to the keeper of the gaol of this county, for the riot at Ledbury. I am now to acquaint you, that on above twenty of those turnpike cutters or levellers, as they call themselves, though that is a character by much too good for them, met with the said keeper at the King’s Head Inn at Ross fair, and demanding his reasons for detaining those two men in custody, without giving him time to return an answer, dragged him out of the inn into the street, knocked him down several times, and almost murdered him, notwithstanding all that the innkeeper and his servants could do to prevent it, who were used in a very cruel manner for assisting him. The villains immediately carried the keeper to Wilton’s Bridge, where at first they concluded to throw him into the river Wye; but at length they agreed to carry him to a place where they would secure him till they themselves had fetched the prisoners out of custody. The better to complete that design, they dragged him four miles in his boots and spurs, to a place called Horewithey, a public-house, where he was kept prisoner, beat in a shameful manner by those merciless wretches, and obliged to write a discharge to the turnkey, being threatened, in case of refusal, to be hanged upon the spot. Four gentlemen from Hereford, who followed them, and endeavoured to dissuade them from such wickedness and cruelty, were inhumanly beat, and obliged to ride off for their lives. After they had detained the keeper near six hours at the house aforesaid, they ferried him over the Wye, walked him about the country till near four o’clock in the morning, and then robbed him of his money. Those that robbed him made off, but left others to guard him, who, quarrelling and fighting about dividing the booty, it gave the keeper an opportunity to make his escape out of the villains’ hands with his life, but not without bruises in abundance.

Rebecca and Her Daughters

This illustration, commonly found on-line as a contemporary representation of the Rebeccaites, is actually a political cartoon from Punch that compares the agitators for Irish independence with the Rebecca Rioters. In the cartoon, Irish independence fighter Daniel O’Connell, dressed as a woman, joins in hacking away at the gate of Union, Tithes, Church Rates, and Poor Laws, while Prime Minister Robert Peel hides in the gatehouse.

I’ve since found an even earlier example. During the “Western Rising” of , protesters were led by men dressed in women’s clothing who collectively used the alias “Lady Skimmington.”

“Skimmington” comes from the name of a spontaneous scapegoating or shaming festival of the period, while “Jack-a-Lent” comes from the name of a figurine that was used as a ritual scapegoat around Lent.


I’ve put up a hand-crafted, semantic XHTML version of Henry Tobit Evans’s book Rebecca and Her Daughters: Being a History of the Agrarian Disturbances in Wales Known as “The Rebecca Riots” on The Picket Line. Enjoy.

The book was left unfinished at the author’s death and was then completed by his daughter. The editing and editorial voice are both uneven, but the book is a valuable collection of source material and a good chronology of the Rebeccaite uprising.

I found the story fascinating. This was a widespread, well-organized, sophisticated peasant uprising that enjoyed enormous success in the face of strong government efforts at suppression and subversion and various attempts by establishment liberals to reroute the discontent into ineffectual legal channels. For a time, “Rebecca” was Queen of Wales, the sovereign of her nation.


Just in time for your last-minute tax filing day gift needs, announcing the republication of Henry Tobit Evans’s formerly out-of-print story of the Rebecca Riots.

You can read the entire book on-line here at The Picket Line, but those of you who don’t much go in for reading whole books in the form of web pages (and I can’t say I blame you) will appreciate the paperback format.

The book has some additional advantages, too. Most notably, it has both a general index and an index of people. In the text, Welsh people and places are given in a variety of spellings (and sometimes in both Welsh and Anglicized versions), which makes computer-aided searches difficult. The index of the new printed edition consolidates these various spellings.

The book also has a pair of appendices that were not included in the original, 100-year-old edition (these too are indexed). I took the liberty of changing the title from the original, rather dry, Rebecca and Her Daughters: Being a History of the Agrarian Disturbances in Wales Known as “The Rebecca Riots” to the new, gleefully lurid, Rebecca Riots! True Tales of the Transvestite Terrorists who Vexed Victoria.

They tore down the tollbooths, freed the poor from the poorhouse, reopened the commons to all, made deadbeat dads pay up, kept Queen Victoria’s cops at bay, wore women’s clothing, and called themselves Rebecca!

It weighs in at 240 pages and will run you $12.99 plus shipping. Thanks to Kenny Cole for the art that I incorporated into the cover design, which he made available under a Creative Commons license.



About half way down this genealogical biography of David Leigh is a very good overview of the “Rebecca Riots” that hit Wales in . This outbreak of organized direct action largely targeted toll booths, but also had some other interesting features.


Tax resistance campaigns can increase their visibility by adopting particular uniforms, badges, ribbons, or other emblems to identify resisters and those working in concert with the campaign. Today I will summarize some examples of this.

Gandhi’s satyagraha in India

An important part of the Indian independence struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi was the wearing of khādī (homespun cloth). This had three purposes:

  1. To encourage the development of Indian self-reliance and industry as the economic foundation of Indian independence.
  2. To hurt the British government by boycotting and thereby reducing the profits from exports of British fabric to India.
  3. To serve as an emblem to identify and express the commitment of Indian patriots.

Gandhi wrote:

[T]he most effective and visible cooperation which all [Indian National] Congressmen and the mute millions can show is by not interfering with the course civil disobedience may take and by themselves spinning and using khādī to the exclusion of all other cloth. If it is allowed that there is a meaning in people wearing primroses on Primrose Day, surely there is much more in a people using a particular kind of cloth and giving a particular type of labour to the cause they hold dear. From their compliance with the khādī test I shall infer that they have shed untouchability, and that they have nothing but brotherly feeling towards all without distinction of race, colour, or creed. Those who will do this are as much Satyagrahis as those who will be singled out for civil disobedience.

Gandhi himself put in many hours at the spinning wheel, and demanded this of his followers as well.

“Gandhi caps” made from khādī became almost a uniform of the resistance. One news dispatch from around the time of the Dharasana salt raid noted:

The correspondent said the growth of the Gandhi movement was shown by the increased number of persons wearing the Gandhi caps. In the cities, he said, a majority of the people wear them; they also are beginning to be worn in villages in Punjab while even in aristocratic Simla one person in six of the population in the bazaars have donned caps, which is the symbol of the nationalist campaign.

Homespun cloth in the American revolution

But Gandhi’s campaign wasn’t the first blow against the British Empire that was struck in part by homespun cloth and conspicuous consumption of locally-manufactured goods. This was also an important part of the American Revolution.

Here is an example reported in a edition of the Massachusetts Gazette:

On Wednesday evening the honorable speaker and gentlemen of the House of Burgesses gave a ball at the capitol… and it is with the greatest pleasure we inform our readers… [of] the patriotic spirit… [that] was most agreeably manifested in the dress of the ladies on that occasion, who, to the number of near one hundred, appeared in homespun gowns; a lively and striking instance of their acquiescence and concurrence in whatever may be the true and essential interest of their country.

“Spinning bees” at which patriotic Americans worked together to card, spin, weave, and sew, so as to avoid having to import clothing from England, were ways that everybody could demonstrate their revolutionary spirit and participate in the resistance. Resisters also made a point of eschewing imported tea in favor of locally-produced substitutes (such as dried raspberry leaves).

One patriotic poem of the time advised “young ladies”:

Wear none but your own country linen;
Of economy boast, let your pride be the most
To show clothes of your own make and spinning.
What if homespun they say is not quite so gay
As brocades, yet be not in a passion,
For when once it is known this is much worn in town,
One and all will cry out— ’Tis the fashion!
And, as one, all agree, that you’ll not married be
To such as will wear London factory,
But at first sight refuse, tell ’em such you will choose
As encourage our own manufactory.
No more ribbons wear, nor in rich silks appear;
Love your country much better than fine things;
Begin without passion, ’twill soon be the fashion
To grace your smooth locks with a twine string.

Massachusetts patriots vowed in :

…that we will not, at funerals, use any gloves except those made here, or purchase any article of mourning on such occasion, but what shall be absolutely necessary; and we consent to abandon the use, so far as may be, not only of all the articles mentioned in the Boston resolves, but of all foreign teas, which are clearly superfluous, our own fields abounding in herbs more healthful, and which we doubt not, may, by use, be found agreeable…

Rebecca Riots

The Rebecca Riots in Wales in were notorious for the distinctive garb donned by the resistance groups who would gather to tear down tollgates.

The leader of the party was usually a man dressed up in women’s clothing and a large bonnet, sometimes wearing a long horse-hair wig or carrying a parasol, who was given the name “Rebecca.” Rebecca’s followers also were men wearing women’s clothes, or at least white blouses over their clothes, and sometimes bonnets or other high-crowned hats, occasionally with fern fronds, feathers, or other decorations on them. They would paint their faces black or yellow, and sometimes drape their horses in white sheets.

In this case, the reasoning behind the costuming was not so much to express public pride than for other purposes. For instance:

  • To disguise the participants so that the government would be less able to take reprisals against them.
  • To resonate with ancient folk forms of grassroots vigilantism and protest that had a similar character (cross-dressing, face painting, a carnival atmosphere).
  • To intimidate toll gate keepers with their strangeness and reputation.
  • To create a figurehead for the movement that could be adopted and then set aside by multiple people, so as to make the movement’s leadership harder to target for reprisals.
  • To make the resistance more festive and carnivalesque and thereby encourage participation.
  • To make it easier to identify fellow-resisters in the confusion of late-night raids on dark country roads.

Badges awarded by the Women’s Tax Resistance League

Women’s suffrage activists in the United Kingdom awarded badges to resisters who had been imprisoned for their resistance. Here is a description of one such badge given to Kate Harvey:

The badge is cast in the form of a shield on which is depicted the entrance to Holloway Prison. On the reverse is a card inscribed in a faint hand: “Given to Mrs K Harvey By Women’s Suffrage After She Had Been In Prison For Tax Resistance.”

These badges were the equivalent of medals for meritorious service. An American woman who visited her counterparts across the waters observed:

It was a queer sensation in those days to look upon sweet and ladylike young women… and to know that they had actually been prisoners. It was not long before they were looked upon as something sacred, as those who had made special sacrifices for the cause, and they wore badges to show that they had been prisoners and in every place were given the post of honor until their numbers mounted up to the hundreds.

Relics of the Glastonbury cows

Abby & Julia Smith refused to pay taxes to a local government that denied women the vote and that took advantage of this by excessively taxing women’s property in order to ease the tax burden on male voters and to redistribute the money to male patronage recipients. In response, the government periodically seized and auctioned off the Smith sisters’ cows (“Votey” and “Taxey”).

Emblems made from hairs of the cows’ tails, woven into the shape of flowers, and tied with ribbons emblazoned with the slogan “Taxation Without Representation,” became popular adornments for supporters of the Smiths’ tax resistance.

“I refuse to fund this war” stickers

In , an American anti-war group held a “Stop Funding the War in Iraq” rally near the offices of a Congressional leader.

A war tax resistance group was there to hand out stickers for people to wear that read “I refuse to fund this war!” I was there and noted:

I figured a few people would take them and wear them without thinking much about it, a few people would refuse to take them without thinking much about it, and the remainder would have to think about whether they should start refusing if they hadn’t already.

As it turned out, just about everyone we offered the stickers to was eager to wear one, though it’s hard to tell which of these will put their money where their mouths are. Hopefully a few, anyway, had that light bulb go on, and then looked around and wondered “have all these other people wearing these stickers started resisting their taxes?”

French cockades and militia uniforms in the Fries Rebellion

The Fries Rebellion in the United States took place about a decade after the enacting of the United States Constitution, and shortly after the successful French Revolution.

The United States government was under the presidency of John Adams, who represented the more authoritarian, aristocratic, pro-English faction; the faction out of power was more populist, democratic, and pro-French.

Tax resisters who participated in the Fries Rebellion sometimes signaled their loyalty (and frightened the Adams government) by wearing French tricolor cockades in their hats to demonstrate their affinity with the democratic revolutionaries across the pond, and/or by wearing their old American revolutionary militia uniforms to show their belief that their current rebellion was more in harmony with the spirit of the American Revolution than were the policies of the federal government.

Masks at the Carnival of Viareggio

The Carnival of Viareggio is today a parade and bacchanal, but it began with a tax protest in which “a number of local citizens, as a sign of protest… decided to put on masks in order to show their refusal of high taxes they were forced to pay.”

Australian miners wear a red ribbon

Australian miners, who in were resisting a license tax, held a “monster meeting” at which they passed a number of resolutions, including these:

[A]s it is necessary that the diggers should know their friends, every miner agrees to wear as a pledge of good faith, and in support of the cause, a piece of red ribbon on his hat, not to be removed until the license tax is abolished.

That this meeting… desire to publicly express their esteem for the memory of the brave men who have fallen in battle [during “the late out-break”], and that to shew their respect every digger and their friends do wear tomorrow (Sunday) a band of black crape on his hat…

Taking pride in resistance

Many of these are examples of resisters showing pride in their resistance. This can be a way of short-circuiting a traditional government gambit used against tax evaders: to publish their names as a way of calling them out as bankrupts or deadbeats. If the government tries to shame tax resisters as irresponsible tax evaders, but the resisters have already willingly made their resistance public, this government tactic loses its force.

When local council governments in the United Kingdom tried to use this tactic against Poll Tax resisters in the Thatcher years, the newspapers who published the lists of “shame” found themselves on the receiving end of letters to the editor from resisters who were outraged that they had not made the list — insisting that their names be included too!

Here are some similar examples of people taking pride in their resistance or in things incident to resistance:

  • When the Women’s Freedom League (a British suffrage group which refused to pay taxes on the salaries of its employees), was threatened with a legal writ by the government, it decided to auction the writ as a fundraiser.
  • Greek tax resisters in Penteli (near Athens), who have been refusing to pay the new taxes attached to their utility bills during the recent “won’t pay” movement, hung their urgent “past due” notices from a Christmas tree in the town square as ornaments.
  • When somebody asked Quaker Nathaniel Morgan whether he and his father had “got anything” in the course of their war tax resistance (by which he meant, did his Quaker meeting reimburse them for their losses when their goods were distrained and sold), Morgan replied: “Yes, peace of mind, which was worth all.”

Refusal by juries to convict tax resisters or those associated with tax resistance movements can be a powerful check on government power. Today I will mention a small handful of such cases from tax resistance campaigns of the past.

Many successful applications of jury nullification never make the papers or the histories — this is because the government, seeing how the cards of public opinion are dealt, decides against bringing cases to trial because they fear the effect an innocent verdict would have.

The government might try transporting the defendants to a more sympathetic jurisdiction, or might hand-pick a “hanging jury” to insure conviction, but either of these tactics risks further alienating the people and bolstering the resisters’ arguments about the faithlessness and illegitimacy of the government and its taxes.

Governor Andros of Connecticut

For example, Governor Andros of colonial Connecticut put members of the Ipswich town meeting on trial after they refused to assess taxes the governor had tried to impose without the consent of the colonial Assembly. The trial was a sham — the jury was hand-picked by the prosecution and the judge referred to the defendants as “criminals” throughout the course of the trial, telling them they “must not think the privileges of English men would follow [them] to the end of the world.”

But they did think that, and threw that quote back in the faces of Andros and the judge in the case, when they revolted, overthrew the colonial government, and imprisoned the two of them.

The Whiskey Rebellion

During the Whiskey Rebellion, juries had no interest in indicting or convicting people for their refusal to pay the federal excise tax. Mary K. Bonsteel Tachau, in her paper “The Whiskey Rebellion in Kentucky: A Forgotten Episode of Civil Disobedience,” showed how effective this strategy was:

When they did meet, grand jurors seemed uninterested in charging anyone with anything. In fact, the only action taken by grand juries during the first four years was to approve the first census. Their inactivity implied that Kentucky was a notably law-abiding place.

Of course the judge, the marshal, the grand jurors, and everybody else in Kentucky knew that the internal revenue laws were being ignored. The Kentucky Gazette regularly published notices about the statutes, often accompanied by complaints and threats from Colonel [Thomas] Marshall. It is possible that the grand jurors felt justified in overlooking their obligation by attending strictly to the instructions that Judge [Harry] Innes gave them. He regularly delivered eloquent addresses describing the matters that came within their cognizance. Among those were such traditional offenses as treason, misprison of treason, forgery, interference with the processes of the courts, bribery, perjury, and so on. These were sometimes lengthy lists, but they had one obvious omission because violation of federal statutes was also within the grand jurors’ purview. As long as the judge overlooked such widespread evasion, the jurors evidently felt no obligation to take the initiative and bring charges against their neighbors.

Federal prosecutors could themselves bring charges for violation of the excise law to these grand juries, but none did. Indeed the federal government had difficulty even finding anyone to take the job of prosecutor. When, five and a half years after the excise tax went into effect, they finally found someone to take the job, it was a recent arrival from out of state, and they had “to furnish [him] with copies of the revenue statutes, because none were available in the commonwealth.”

Then the government finally was able to begin bringing charges against Whiskey Rebels. It thought it had won. Not so much:

During the remaining terms of court in , the federal marshal failed to convene grand juries, and [federal prosecutor] Clarke failed to file any informations [charges]. Clarke had run head-on against the power structure, and it was not about to submit tamely to an outsider. The agents that he had instructed to seize [Thomas] Jones’s stills were charged with trespass; the witnesses whom he had summoned to testify to the grand juries were denied compensation for their travel. Clarke complained to the treasury department, which initially sympathized with him, but it acknowledged that the judge was master in his own court.

Then, seven plus years after the widely-resisted excise tax came into effect, the government changed the rules: deciding that anyone who was a whiskey distiller would be banned from serving on the grand jury! One of the bottlenecks to prosecution had been broken through.

Yet as these cases came to trial, it became clear that the distillers did not have much to worry about. In an early grand jury address, Judge Innes had stated that “trials by jury… are the great bulwark which intervenes between the magistrate and the citizen,” and these petit jurors obviously saw themselves as that great bulwark. Whether the charges were initiated by Clarke or by revenue collectors or by grand juries made no difference: trial jurors regularly acquitted their neighbors of criminal charges. In Kentucky, violation of the revenue acts was simply not perceived as a crime. Not one of the fifty criminal charges brought during the four years of Clarke’s tenure resulted in conviction [emphasis mine –♇]. Default judgments were set aside, while other charges were abated by death, or quashed, dismissed, or discontinued. Seven cases went to trial, but the jurors found for the defendants every time, and the judge then ordered their accusers to pay the costs of the suits.

It was proving impossible to win convictions — and it is easy to see why. The law was held in utter contempt by the people the juries were being drawn from. Bonsteel Tachau notes, for instance, that “[i]n one term of court alone, five members of the jury panels were themselves defendants in cases brought by Clarke.”

The successful resistance by people in Kentucky against attempts to prosecute their neighbors for resistance to the federal excise tax continued until the the anti-tax movement could claim victory with the election of Thomas Jefferson as president, who promised to rescind the tax.

Karl Marx’s jury

When the royal and military aristocracy of Germany tried to shut down the country’s first popularly-elected legislature before they could enact a Constitution, the parliament responded by declaring the government out of business: “So long as the National Assembly is not at liberty to continue its sessions in Berlin, the Brandenburg cabinet has no right to dispose of government revenues and to collect taxes.”

Karl Marx, who was at the time editing a newspaper called the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, trumpeted the news, saying: “From today, therefore, taxes are abolished! It is high treason to pay taxes. Refusal to pay taxes is the primary duty of the citizen!”

The government took Marx to court for such incitements to rebellion, but this didn’t discourage him. Instead, Marx managed to persuade the jury that he’d been right all along. (Edmund Wilson, in whose book To The Finland Station I first learned about this case, writes that “the effect [of Marx’s defense] on the jury was so great that Marx was thanked on their behalf by the foreman for his ‘extremely informative speech.’”)

Marx wrote of the acquittal:

[T]he case turned only on the political question: whether the accused were authorised by the decision of the National Assembly on the refusal to pay taxes to call in this way for resistance to the state power, to organise an armed force against that of the state, and to have government authorities removed and appointed at their discretion.

After a very brief consultation, the jury answered this question in the affirmative.

The Rebecca Riots

During one of the tollgate demolishings that marked the Rebecca Riots in Wales, Sarah Williams, who was in charge of the toll house being destroyed, rushed back to try to save it from the flames. She was shot and killed, presumably by one of the Rebeccaites.

Colonel George Rice Trevor explains what happened next:

[A]n inquest was held… Two surgeons… gave evidence that on the body were marks of shot, some penetrating the nipple of left breast, on in the armpit of the same side, and several shot marks on both arms. Two shots were found in the left lung. In spite of all this evidence the jury found “that the deceased died from effution of blood into the chest [which] occasioned suffocation, but from what cause is to this jury unknown.” [emphasis mine –♇]

The inquest refusing to find the cause of death to be murder made it difficult to launch an investigation, make arrests, or begin a prosecution.


Rallies outside the courthouse or prison are one way of supporting resisters who are looking at doing time for taking their stand (see The Picket Line for ), supporting their families while they’re being held captive is another (see The Picket Line for ), and accompanying resisters to and from prison and visiting them while inside is a third (see The Picket Line for ).

Another way to support tax resisters as they go up against the legal system is to attend their trials. I remember that when I attended the NWTRCC national gathering in Boston in , one resister there mentioned that when he went to court to be sentenced, the courtroom was packed with supporters who quietly stood up behind him when he stood to hear the judge pass sentence, and he told us how important that show of support had been to him.

Today I’ll give some additional examples.

Rebecca Riots

In the government finally managed to get its hands on some prosecutable suspects involved in the Welsh “Rebecca Riots” (which largely involved dismantling offensive tollbooths).

The prisoners, under strong guard, were marched to a hearing before a set of magistrates. “Vast crowds accompanied them, and in expectation of hearing the examination, rushed into the large hall, which in a few minutes was crammed.” The magistrates responded by banning the public — and even the prisoners’ attorneys — from the room.

Council tax rebels

Council tax refusers in today’s Britain can often count on packing the courtroom with sympathizers if they are summoned. In the case of retired vicar Alfred Ridley:

[H]is supporters, who had packed the courtroom, cried “Shame!” “It’s a disgrace!” and “Kangaroo court!” …

Mr Woollett [the magistrate] had to be escorted from the court complex by police after he was surrounded by booing protesters.

One supporter said: “People have come here from as far away as Sheffield, Blackpool and Cornwall to support Mr Ridley.”

When Sylvia Hardy, 73, was sentenced to jail time for refusing to pay her council tax, the courtroom erupted:

As Ms Hardy, from Barrack Road, Exeter, was led away the chairman of Devon Pensioners’ Action Forum, Albert Venison, shouted at the bench: “You are on a completely different planet you people.” There were other shouts of “pompous ass” and “shame” from other supporters of Ms Hardy who were packed into the small courtroom.

The British women’s suffrage movement

When Janet Legate Bunten was taken to court for refusing to pay a dog license tax, the number of supporters who rallied to her side alarmed the court. One wrote:

The element of comedy was supplied… [in part] by the alarm created at the arrival of the W.S.P.U. dray and reinforcements. The court was twenty minutes late in taking its seat, and it was freely rumoured that the reason of the delay was that more police were sent for to be in attendance before the proceedings began! There certainly was an unusual number present for so insignificant a court. A meeting was held outside the court, at which Miss [C. Nina] Boyle spoke. The police not only allowed the demonstration, but were interested listeners.

When Winifred Patch was subjected to bankruptcy proceedings by the Inland Revenue Department, “[t]he officials were astonished to see women bringing in extra benches and overflowing into the solicitors’ seats and the Press pen.” Patch refused to cooperate in any way with the court, and a second hearing was scheduled, at which “[t]he crowd of suffragist sympathisers was far larger than on the previous occasion” and included many of the more prominent members of the Women’s Tax Resistance League.

War tax resisters

When Vietnam War-era war tax resister Jack Malinowski was sentenced to three months of probation for his tax refusal, “[a] crowd of [approximately 175] supporters in the courtroom greeted the sentencing with a chorus of ‘Solidarity Forever’ and jubilant applause.”


A challenge that many successful tax resistance campaigns have confronted has to do with divisions in the movement. Sometimes these are deliberate divide-and-conquer tactics by those who oppose the campaign. Other times, these are just the result of fractures in an unstable coalition, where most of the dividing pressure comes from within the campaign.

It can be important to the success of such a campaign that it maintain and demonstrate solidarity in the face of such challenges. Here are some examples of how a variety of tax resistance campaigns have tried to cope.

German constitutionalists

In Germany, the government attempted to break a tax resistance movement by offering to moderate its enforcement efforts against people who could show that they had limited means. Karl Marx, who was promoting the resistance at the time, saw this as a divide-and-conquer tactic and counseled people to disregard it:

The intention of the Ministry is only too clear. It wants to divide the democrats; it wants to make the peasants and workers count themselves as non-payers owing to lack of means to pay, in order to split them from those not paying out of regard for legality, and thereby deprive the latter of the support of the former. But this plan will fail; the people realizes that it is responsible for solidarity in the refusal to pay taxes, just as previously it was responsible for solidarity in payment of them.

Rebeccaites

The Rebeccaite movement in Wales was very successful in its bold campaign of destroying toll booths. But its diffuse, non-hierarchical, anonymous structure made it easy for people to hijack it for their own ends, and it wasn’t long before people and groups calling themselves “Rebecca” began issuing threats and enacting vigilante justice in a variety of causes, or sometimes in what seemed like merely personal grievances.

For example, having come to the help of the farmers by reducing the tolls they were charged when bringing their goods to market, a meeting of Rebeccaites decided they were justified in now demanding that these newly-liberated farmers and merchants lower the prices of their goods. Butter and beer would now be cheaper in Wales, and the Rebeccaites would make it so by force if necessary.

Things like this made the message of the movement confused, made it less sympathetic to potential supporters, and helped the authorities to recruit spies and people willing to testify against the rioters among those who otherwise might have been their allies.

Irish Land League

The Irish, suffering from famine and under the thumb of government-backed English absentee landlords, began a rent strike under the leadership of the Irish Land League.

The English encouraged the Irish to respond to their sad lot by emigrating to America and elsewhere. They would have been happy to depopulate the island and make it England’s livestock grazing pasture, and they were eager to diminish by attrition the political power of the native population. But, as Charles Stewart Parnell put it:

The Land League saw through this design, and defeated it by their advice to the people to resist being compelled to emigrate. It told them to refuse to pay extortionate rents — that is, rents they could not pay and at the same time feed their families; it told them to refuse to leave their homes unless forcibly ejected, so that winter might not find them without a shelter to their heads; and it told them to refuse to rent farms from which other tenants had been evicted.

British women’s suffrage movement

At the time the Women’s Tax Resistance League and allied organizations were trying to win the vote for women, most men couldn’t vote in Britain either. The vote at the time was largely restricted to propertied men, though there were ongoing campaigns for universal male suffrage.

By trying to get women to be treated equally as voters under the law, the women’s movement of the time was, thereby, fighting merely for the voting rights of propertied women, not for women in general.

Dora Montefiore reflected on this, and the divisions it threatened to provoke, when she reviewed her time in the movement in her autobiography, From a Victorian to a Modern:

The members of the I.L.P., of which there was a good branch in Hammersmith, were very helpful, both as speakers and organisers during these meetings, but the Members of the Social Democratic Federation, of which I was a member, were very scornful because they said we should have been asking at that moment for Adult Suffrage and not Votes for Women; but although I have always been a staunch adult suffragist, I felt that at that moment the question of the enfranchisement of women was paramount, as we had to educate the public in our demands and in the reasons for our demands, and as we found that with many people the words “Adult Suffrage” connoted only manhood suffrage, our urgent duty was at that moment to gain Press publicity up and down the country and to popularise the idea of the political enfranchisement of women.

I explained in all my speeches and writings that though it looked as if I were only asking for Suffrage for Women on a property qualification, I was doing this because the mass of non-qualified women could not demonstrate in the same way, and I was to that extent their spokeswoman. … The working women from the East End came, time and again, to demonstrate in front of my barricaded house and understood this point and never swerved in their allegiance to our organisation

Poll Tax rebellion in the U.K.

In Danny Burns’s reminiscences of the Poll Tax Rebellion, he reflects that there were constant tensions in the campaign between the locally-organized grassroots groups that were the real engine of the revolt, and the professional left/labor radical groups and politicians who kept trying to put themselves at the front of the parade.

When a number of people were arrested in a police riot during an anti Poll Tax demonstration at Trafalgar Square, some of the movement leadership distanced themselves from those who had been arrested in the riot — wanting to distinguish nonviolent tax resisters from those charged with resisting arrest or other such charges, and talking about holding “an internal inquiry” to “root out the troublemakers.” But when the defendants organized their own collective defense committee, the leaders of the All-Britain Federation tried to usurp them by launching their own defense fund and soliciting donations (the attempt failed).

Anti-war, anti-tax coalition building in U.S.

There have been some attempts at coalition building between the left and right in the United States, where the folks at the top keep the folks at the bottom facing off against each other that way so their pockets face outwards and are easier to pick. One example of such coalition building in the tax resistance movement was a “tea party” held in by the right-leaning group called the National Taxpayers Union, at which left-libertarians like Murray Rothbard and Karl Hess, and leftish war tax resisters like Bradford Lyttle spoke. The following year, leftist scholar and war tax resister Noam Chomsky, and conservative publisher Robert Kephart spoke at a National Taxpayers Union event.


I gave some examples of attacks directed at tax offices Today I’m going to give some further examples of attacks on the apparatus of taxation.

Parking meters and traffic cameras

  • There is a semi-organized movement in Chicago to make parking meters unusable through vandalism, including smashing them, disassembling them, making them unreadable with spray-paint, stuffing them with pennies, jamming them with glue or expanding foam, or removing them entirely.
  • Disabling speed-trap cameras has become almost a popular sport in the United States. I’ve seen video of people dressed up in Santa suits and temporarily disabling cameras by wrapping them in colorful gift boxes. Others have used everything from “sticky notes, Silly String, and even a pick-axe” to stop the cameras from taxing speeders. In Palmer Park, Maryland, recently, the authorities had to install a new set of surveillance cameras to keep an eye on their speed cameras because they were getting vandalized so frequently.

Toll-booths

  • During of the Rebecca Riots in Wales, there were over a hundred attacks on toll-houses, toll-gates, and toll-bars. “During this period, all the gates and bars in the Whitland, Tivyside, and Brechfa Trusts were destroyed. Two gates only out of the twenty-one survived in the Three Commotts Trust, whilst between seventy and eighty gates out of about one hundred and twenty were destroyed in Carmarthenshire. Only nine were left standing out of twenty-two in Cardiganshire.” Here is one account:

    The secret was well kept, no sign of the time and place of the meditated descent was allowed to transpire. All was still and undisturbed in the vicinity of the doomed toll-gate, until a wild concert of horns and guns in the dead of night and the clatter of horses’ hoofs, announced to the startled toll-keeper his “occupation gone.” With soldier-like promptitude and decision, the work was commenced; no idle parleying, no irrelevant desire of plunder or revenge divided their attention or embroiled their proceedings. They came to destroy the turnpike and they did it as fast as saws, and pickaxes, and strong arms could accomplish the task.

    No elfish troop at their pranks of mischief ever worked so deftly beneath the moonlight; stroke after stroke was plied unceasingly, until in a space which might be reckoned by minutes from the time when the first wild notes of their rebel music had heralded the attack, the stalwart oak posts were sawn asunder at their base, the strong gate was in billets, and the substantial little dwelling, in which not half an hour before the collector and his family were quietly slumbering, had become a shapeless pile of stones or brick-bats at the wayside.

    When the Scleddy turnpike-gate was attacked, they “broke the gates, posts, walls, and toll-boards into pieces so small that in the morning there was not a piece of the timber larger than would make matches”
  • Toll-booth destruction was also part of the riots in Naples in : “the toll-booths throughout the town were demolished; the mob went from one gate to another. Everywhere the toll-gatherers had escaped — nobody thought of making any resistance…”
  • Toll-booth attacks are also a trademark of the current “won’t pay” movement in Greece. Resisters there have mobbed highway toll plazas, raising the bars and waving cars through.

Miscellany

  • Danny Burns reports that during the Poll Tax rebellion in Thatcher’s Britain, “In Lothian, it was widely reported that Anti-Poll Tax activists had managed to put a bug into the computer, which randomly wiped out every sixth record on the register. The virus story was never proven. However, a month before it was mentioned in the newspapers, its effects were accurately described to two Anti-Poll Tax activists by two computer hackers one of whom had worked for Lothian Regional Council and had been sacked.”
  • There are some examples in Hippolyte Taine’s history of the French Revolution:
    • “At Limoux, under the pretext of searching for grain, they enter the houses of the comptroller and tax contractors, carry off their registers, and throw them into the water along with the furniture of their clerks.”
    • In Anjou, the tax clerks’ horses are seized and sold at auction.
    • “In Touraine, ‘as the publication of the tax-rolls takes place, riots break out against the municipal authorities; they are forced to surrender the rolls they have drawn up, and their papers are torn up.’ ”
    • “In Creuse, at Clugnac, the moment the clerk begins to read the document, the women spring upon him, seize the tax-roll, and ‘tear it up with countless imprecations;’ ”
  • When the IRS seized tax resister Mary Cain’s newspaper, and put a chain and padlock on the front door, “Mrs. Cain sawed off the lock and chain and mailed them to the Internal Revenue Department with a defiant note.”
  • Whiskey Rebels were known to steal the records of tax collectors.
  • During the resistance in Missouri against taxes to pay off owners of corruptly-issued railroad bonds, “a gang of armed men rode into the county seat of Osceola and held tax officials at gunpoint while its members stole all the official tax records.”

I gave some examples of attacks directed at tax offices, I gave some further examples of attacks on the apparatus of taxation, and I gave some examples of how some tax resistance campaigns used particularly humiliating violent attacks against individual tax collectors to deter them and discourage their colleagues.

Today I’ll give some further examples of terrorism and intimidation directed at tax collectors — this time by means of attacks on their homes and property.

  • Bailiffs, the officials responsible for seizing goods from Poll Tax rebels in Thatcher’s Britain, were targeted in this way. In one case, the home of a bailiff company’s chief was surrounded by protesters, who, finding that the target of their protest was not at home, “had a look at his double garage — the door was open. … Well, there wasn’t a car inside, but there was a mountain bike, fishing tackle, clothes, bottles of wine, garden equipment. In fact, the place was chock-a-block. A mock auction was held in front of the press. Anyway, his possessions ended up strewn all over the garden, and slogans were daubed across the back of his wall: ‘Fuck off bailiff, we’ll be back!’ The police arrived about five minutes after we had gone. We heard that Mr. Roach [the bailiff company chief] was escorted home later that night in a police car. It’s good to give people like that a taste of their own medicine.”
  • “a party of armed men in disguise made an attack in the night upon the house of a collector of revenue who resided in Fayette County, but he happening to be from home, they contented themselves with breaking open his house, threatening, terrifying, and abusing his family.”
  • This tactic was used frequently during the Rebecca Riots in Wales, for example:
    • “A plantation belonging to Timothy Powell, Esq., of Pencoed (a magistrate active against Rebecca), was fired… and four acres were burnt.”
    • A crowd of some 7–800 Rebeccaites surrounded the home of tithe collector Rees Goring Thomas and fired guns through the windows at the terrified occupants. “[P]arts of the walls were so thickly marked with shots and slugs that scarcely a square inch was free from them, while the windows and curtain were thickly perforated… There were in all fifty-two panes of glass broken in five windows. … While these outrages were carried on at the house, several of the mob forced open the door, and entered the beautiful walled garden adjoining the house, where they committed devastations of a most disgraceful character. Nearly all the apple trees and wall-fruit trees of different kinds, were entirely destroyed, being cut to pieces or torn up from the roots. The various plants and herbs with which the garden abounded were all destroyed, and a row of commodious greenhouses, extending from one side of the garden to the other, was attacked, and a large quantity of glass broken with stones.”
    • That same crowd then attacked the home of a game warden, firing a blank directly into the face of his wife. “They then broke the clock, a very good one, an old pier-glass which had been handed down for several generations, the chairs, table, and all the little furniture the poor people possessed. They also carried away the gamekeeper’s gun, and 10s. or 12s. worth of powder and shot, and previous to leaving took from the drawers all the clothes of the family, which were torn, trodden upon, and partly burnt. They then left the place, after firing several times. Several of the painted doors, leading from the road to the plantation, were destroyed by the Rebeccaites.”
  • During the French Revolution, in Baignes, the home of the director of the excise “is devastated and his papers and effects are burned; they put a knife to the throat of his son, a child six years of age, saying, ‘Thou must perish that there may be no more of thy race.’ ”
  • In , French tithe resisters “wearing disguises sacked the granary of the tithe collector, and no witnesses could be found to testify against them.”
  • In Naples, in , “the populace began to attack the houses of those whom they knew had, by farming tolls or in any other way, become rich at the expense of the people. … [T]he houses were emptied: first that of the cashier of taxes, Alphonso Vagliano. Beautiful household furniture, plate, pictures, everything that could be found was dragged into the streets, thrown together in a heap and burnt; and when one of the people wanted to conceal a jewel, he was violently upbraided by the rest,” because the point was terroristic vandalism, not looting. “All the rich and noble persons who were concerned in the farming of tolls, as well as all members of the government, saw their houses demolished. … Above forty palaces and houses were consumed by the flames on , or were razed to the ground…”
  • During the French Gabelle Riots of mobs roamed the streets setting fire to tax collectors’ houses.”

I gave some examples of attacks directed at tax offices, some examples of attacks on the apparatus of taxation, some examples of tax resistance campaigns using particularly humiliating violent attacks against individual tax collectors, some examples of attacks directed at the property of tax collectors, some examples of direct violent attacks on individual tax collectors.

Today I’ll continue our look at the violent side of tax resistance campaigns by giving some examples of assaults and intimidation directed at collaborators with the tax system:

  • In Paris during the French Revolution, legal proceedings against people who destroyed the tax offices were abandoned when neither the officers in charge of the investigation or the National Assembly itself had the courage to stand up to popular indignation and threats.
  • Witnesses who were called to testify against the Fries Rebels “were generally very reluctant to give information, being afraid the insurgents would do them some injury.”
  • In the Whiskey Rebellion, “William Richmond, who had given information against some of the rioters… had his barn burnt, with all the grain and hay which it contained…”
  • During the Rebecca Riots, two or three hundred Rebeccaites met at an inn in Pontyberem and, during the course of the meeting, forced the innkeeper to swear not to admit the toll collector at the inn. In another example: “the dead body of Thomas Thomas… was found in a river near Brechfa! This man had been very much opposed to the Rebecca movement, and… had been to Carmarthen to make a complaint to the authorities against some Rebeccaites; on his return home that night he found his house, etc., on fire. Bearing this in mind, together with other circumstantial evidence, it is plain that he had some bitter enemies in the neighbourhood, and it was generally believed that he had been waylaid and murdered.” Thomas had on another occasion testified against his servant and had him jailed, and for this the Rebeccaites ransacked his house, destroying what they could.
  • During the Tithe War in Ireland, resisters did what they could to prevent people from cooperating with attempt to seize and auction off resisters’ goods:

    [I]t almost invariably happened that either the assembled spectators were afraid to bid, lest they should incur the vengeance of the peasantry, or else they stammered out such a low offer, that, when knocked down, the expenses of the sale would be found to exceed it. The same observation applies to the crops. Not one man in a hundred had the hardihood to declare himself the purchaser. Sometimes the parson, disgusted at the backwardness of bidders, and trying to remove it, would order the cattle twelve or twenty miles away in order to their being a second time put up for auction. But the locomotive progress of the beasts was always closely tracked, and means were taken to prevent either driver or beast receiving shelter or sustenance throughout the march.

    One clergyman had to import some sixty workers to help him take his tithes “in kind” from the farmers in his parish, “from distant counties, and at high wages, who yet were incapable of obtaining more than a small portion of tithes, being interrupted by a rabble — chiefly women — though men were lurking in the background to support them.”
  • In colonial North Carolina during the Stamp Act agitation, “The stamp masters were seized and forced to swear they would have nothing to do with the stamps, and it being known when the vessel bringing the stamps would come up to Wilmington, Colonels Ashe and Waddell, having called out the militia from Brunswick and the adjoining counties to the number of some 700 men, seized the vessel and held her until her commander promised not to permit the stamps to be taken from her.”
  • During the Reform Bill uprising in the , “Threats had been employed to prevent auctioneers from selling distrained goods; and an auctioneer in Bath had been obliged, in consequence of intimidation, to issue a handbill, in which he gave public notice, that he would not receive for sale any goods distrained for the non-payment of King’s Taxes.”
  • Irish Household Tax resisters recently mobbed Ireland’s Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform, surrounding his car and chanting “fucking scumbag” Another politician who witnessed the event said: “In my view, there was an element of thuggery to it. Some of the protestors prevented him from getting out of the car park.”
  • When Ondárroa tried to hire an outside debt collection company to go after resisters; “Upon learning of the assignment of this work to the Bilbaoan firm Gesmunpal, the nationalist left spread slogans via Internet in favor of ‘civil disobedience,’ as well as calls and letters against the company. Gesmunpal resigned.”
  • During the Annuity Tax resistance movement in Edinburgh, a newspaper was sued for publicizing the names of the people who rented carts to the government for hauling away distrained goods — the grounds of the suit being that such publicity would be damaging to the business of the carters.
  • The Poll Tax resistance movement in Thatcher’s Britain included attacks and threats directed at collaborators with the tax, for example:
    • “Attacks and threats have been made against Bristol newsagents and shops where people can pay the Poll Tax. Windows have been smashed and graffiti daubed over businesses which have become agents for the Bristol-based company ‘Penalty Points.’ The firm installs special tills with its agents to collect the community charge on behalf of local authorities for a fee. Mr. Ross Hendry, a spokesman for the company… said ‘because of the attacks, one newsagent in Patchway has now declined taking an agency after a brick was thrown through his window. He said another newsagent in Bishoport Avenue, Hartclife had the words ‘Poll Tax scab’ and ‘you’re the first’ scrawled in white paint across his window. A Circle K store in Cardiff where the revolutionary scheme was launched on with 48 agents, had its door locks jammed with superglue.”
    • Any more, bailiffs? Bailiffs… make my day. No poll tax here. To all poll tax non-payers who receive a summons: Turn up in court… and tire the magistrate. Go on bailiff — make my day! Give the bailiffs what they came for. Bailiff alert? We’re prepared! Lynch your local poll tax collector. Warning. Bailiffs beware. Poll tax free zone. Enter at your own risk.

      some of the posters with threatening messages aimed at bailiffs and other poll tax collaborators

    • Intimidation of bailiffs (people authorized to seize and sell property for tax arrears) was widespread: “Housing schemes and estates were plastered with posters. One showing a vicious dog, read ‘Bailiffs? Make my day!’ Another showing a picture of Malcolm X holding a machine gun looking out from behind the curtains, read: ‘Bailiffs we’re ready.’ A third showed a picture of a bailiff swinging in a noose. It read ‘Dead bailiffs don’t knock on doors.’ In some areas bailiffs and registration officers were photographed and their portraits were reproduced on posters which read ‘wanted’ and listed their ‘crimes.’ These images were extremely popular… People were used to seeing images of themselves in the role of victim. Now wherever they looked there were images of their adversaries in this role.”
    • “Wherever the council registration officers went they were harassed. In Glasgow violent threats drove canvasser Robert Stevenson to quit his job. He was physically threatened twice in four weeks and continually harassed:

      I’d just put the form through the door when this guy across in the garden opposite started shouting. He was sitting in the garden with about four others and they were all giving me dirty looks. He said that if I came back to collect the form I would need a tank for protection. I was in no doubt that they were serious. I didn’t finish my last street. I just chucked it.

      “…another canvasser… was ‘harassed by a gang.’ In this case, it was reported that:

      Four or five youths cornered him in a close in Gairbraid Avenue and subjected him to abuse. A Strathclyde police spokesman revealed: “They said it was a ‘No Poll Tax Area’ and told the worker to get out, which he did.”

      “Following these reports, the Poll Tax registration officer admitted that ‘there had been at least four other incidents involving canvassers’ and… canvassers had been threatened (leaflets were grabbed from their hands). Already over two members of his staff had resigned because of fears about their personal safety.”
    • Mayors and municipal councils resigned en masse to support the French wine-growers’ tax strike of , and, according to one account, “there have been threats to burn the property of those mayors failing to resign.”
    • “Mr. Trueman, a Poll Tax snooper whose job was to call on people and badger them into filling the registration forms, [was] unable to cope with the abuse…

      Mrs. Trueman found the corpse of her husband as she came back from shopping. Fred Trueman, 52, an employee of Bristol City, had hanged himself. “No-one can imagine what terrible pressure he had to work under,” she claimed. “He was sworn at and threatened; he couldn’t stand it any more.”


I gave some examples of attacks directed at tax offices, some examples of attacks on the apparatus of taxation, some examples of tax resistance campaigns using particularly humiliating violent attacks against individual tax collectors, some examples of attacks directed at the property of tax collectors, some examples of direct violent attacks on individual tax collectors, and some examples of attacks and intimidation aimed at tax system collaborators.

Today I’ll continue our look at the violent side of tax resistance campaigns by giving some examples of attacks on police and soldiers when they attempt to enforce tax laws or to take reprisals against resisters.

  • , a crowd of people on the Greek island of Hydra attacked local police after they detained a restauranteur for tax evasion:

    [T]he inspectors wanted to transport the restaurant owner to Athens, an hour’s ride away by fast boat. They were set upon by a local crowd, which also attacked the boat’s crew.

    The police, along with the restaurant owner, had to retreat to the island’s police station, which was besieged until riot police arrived . Locals cut off the station’s electricity and water supplies.

  • In , protesters in China “overturned police cars and blocked roads over plans to more strictly enforce payment of taxes.” In another mob of tax protesters in China destroyed ten police vehicles including an armored car.
  • There were battles between police and protesters during the Poll Tax rebellion in the Thatcher years. In Bristol, the crowd charged the police and rescued arrested demonstrators. “One police officer was kicked unconscious when he tried to make an arrest. Six more were dragged out of their van.” In London, “As the police baton-charged the crowd… they were resisted by a hail of bricks, bottles, and stones.” Police brutality turned a peaceful demonstration into a riot in Trafalgar Square. “Mounted riot police baton-charged the crowd. The crowd, angered by this violent provocation, retaliated by throwing sticks, banner poles, bottles — anything they could find. Young people, armed only with placards, fought hand to hand with police. … As the missiles began to rain down the police retreated:

    …Pedestrian isles were being torn up and real serious lumps of concrete being thrown at the romper-suited police. I found myself with rock in hand. The first I threw was aimed at a group of police. I watched it bounce off a shield. My second rock was more specifically aimed at their front line. Again, it was well-deflected. I saw a rock strike a policeman’s visor and he didn’t even blink. The police were shielding themselves from the missiles raining down, but they were vulnerable to rocks aimed at their legs and midriffs. The police were taking a battering. Every now and then a policeman would crumple to his knees and the crowd would roar.”

    More than 100 police officers would be treated for injuries sustained during the riot. A spokesman for the police said, “I have never seen such sustained and savage violence used directly against the police.”
  • During the Poujadist tax rebellion in France in , “unabashed Poujade vigilantes went right on chasing tax collectors down the roads, mobbing police and defying troops assigned to escort them.”
  • At the tail end of the Dharsana Salt Raid, some Indian nationalist sympathizers, disregarding Gandhi’s guidelines and “abandoning, it was said, all pretenses at non-violence, stoned guards and police. Five police and three excisemen were injured by the pebbles. Six police who went to the rescue of some hardly pressed excisemen were themselves surrounded by the mob and obliged to retire.”
  • In Spain in , when guardsmen tried to disperse protesters angry at the arrest of a tax resisting cattleman, the crowd fought back — “two persons were killed and five wounded. Among the latter is a Sergeant of the Civil Guard.”
  • After the Russian duma-in-exile issued a tax resistance manifesto, the government said that if people refused to pay taxes, it would send in troops who would show no mercy. “Without waiting for soldiers to put the threat of the government into execustion the peasants have inaugurated a campaign of guerrilla warfare against the troops already in the province. … Within the last few days a number of military sentinels have been shot down in ambush or attacked by the peasants.”
  • In , the military were called in to Guerrero, Mexico, to put down a tax rebellion. Instead, the rebels defeated the troops and took General Ranjel prisoner.
  • “Half-breeds” (people of mixed European immigrant and Native American parentage) in the Dakota Territory refused to pay taxes in . When the Sheriff tried to collect, “the half-breeds assembled from all directions, and pressing about the Sheriff and his one man they forced him to surrender his well-earned pittance of taxes … and say they will resist to the last man. Sheriff Flynn has been notified that he will be shot on sight if he again makes a similar attempt.”
  • “When a deputy sheriff went to make seizures” against Irish settlers in Canada who were resisting taxes in , “the residents threatened to string him to the nearest tree. Finally, they compelled him to eat the writs he had, and then gave him a limited time to get out of the township.”
  • A sheriff trying to enforce the “foreign miners tax” in California “in attempting to compel the foreigners to yield, was killed by them, and one or two of his posse wounded.”
  • The Rebecca Rioters in Wales targeted the constables who tried to stop or investigate the riots, or to conduct tax seizures:
    • Two or three hundred Rebeccaites met at a Pontyberem village, and while there “made some special constables promise not to serve, and took away their staves.”
    • “They then attacked the house of the blacksmith, who had previously said he would face fifteen of the best Rebecca boys, and who also had been sworn in as a special constable; according to his own statements he was a man devoid of fear. The smith — fearless man of Vulcan — had, however, departed; but smash! went in his door and windows, and his deserted smithy was practically destroyed.”
    • “At the outset of these proceedings the toll-man ‘Dick’ contrived, by running over ditch and dell, to warn a parish constable, one Evan Thomas, otherwise ‘The Porthyrhyd Lion,’ of his own mishap, as well as the peril to which he thought him exposed, Evan being somewhat unpopular in the neighbourhood. On receiving this hint, away bolted ‘Ianto,’ scampering over the ditches and fields until he found a cow-house where he lay concealed in anxious suspense the remainder of the night. Notwithstanding the retreat of ‘Ianto,’ about seventy of the tribe visited his domicile, smashed in his windows and doors, destroyed his shelf and dresser, and all his crockery, as well as the spokes of a new cart, put a cheese on the fire, cut down some of the trees in the garden, and then simultaneously raised the cry, ‘Alas! poor Ianto!’ … Evan the constable… if found, was to have his ears cut off.”
    • “These riotous proceedings caused considerable excitement and alarm… The different persons in the neighbourhood who were sworn in as special constables… gave up their staves, with the determination of refusing on any future occasions to interfere with the movements of Rebecca or the protection of the toll-house.”
    • “John Evans and John Lewis, two Sheriff’s officers from Carmarthen, were sent… to make a distress on the goods and chattels of William Philipp… They were attacked by about twenty-five of the ’Beccas, and beaten in a dreadful manner.… John Evans was compelled to go on his knees before them, and put the distresses and authority to distrain in the fire. He was then made to take his oath on the Bible, which one of them put in his hands, that he would never again enter the premises to make another distress. He was compelled to make use of the following words: ‘As the Lord liveth, and my soul liveth, I will never come here to make any distress again.’ After taking the oath, he was set free, and the two bailiffs returned to town.”
    • William Chambers, who led a police unit that wounded and arrested some Rebeccaites, was targeted multiple times. On one occasion, a stack of his corn was burned, on another, a stack of straw met the torch. Later his farm and outbuildings were all engulfed in flames. A horse of his that had been rescued from another of his farms as it burned down was later shot.
  • During the Tithe War in Ireland, British troops killed 18 resisters who were trying to reclaim distrained livestock. In return, the resisters killed 18 troops in an ambush:

    A number of writs against defaulters were issued by the Court of Exchequer, and intrusted to the care of process-servers, who, guarded by a strong force, proceeded on their mission with secrecy and despatch. Bonfires along the surrounding hills, however, and shrill whistles through the dell, soon convinced them that the people were not unprepared for hostile visitors. But the yeomanry pushed boldly on: their bayonets were sharp, their ball-cartridge inexhaustible, their hearts dauntless. Suddenly an immense mass of peasantry, armed with scythes and pitchforks, poured down upon them — a terrible struggle ensured, and in a few moments eighteen police, including the commanding-officer, lay dead. The remainder fled, marking the course of their retreat by their blood… In the mêlée, Captain Leyne, a Waterloo veteran, narrowly escaped. A coroner’s jury pronounced “Wilful murder.” Large Government rewards were offered, but failed to produce a single conviction.

  • In Issoudun, France in , a general who was sent to try to quell a tax rebellion there “entered the town only through a capitulation; the moment he reached the Hôtel-de-Ville a man of the Faubourg de Rome put his pruning-hook around his neck, exclaiming, ‘No more clerks where there is nothing to do!’ ”
  • During the Fries Rebellion in the early United States, “it came to the knowledge of the authorities that several of the magistrates themselves were disaffected, and others were prevented doing their duty through fear of injury.”
  • During the French Revolution, when the people of Peronne and Ham got wind that an order had been issued to rebuild destroyed toll-houses, they destroyed the soldiers’ barracks. In another case: “M. de Sauzay, commandant of the ‘Royal Roussillon,’ who was bold enough to save the [tax] clerks, is menaced, and for this misdeed he barely escapes being hung himself. When the municipal body is called upon to interpose and employ force, it replies that ‘for so small a matter, it is not worth while to compromise the lives of the citizens,’ and the regular troops sent to the Hôtel-de-Ville are ordered by the people not to go except with the butt-ends of their muskets in the air.”

, I’m finishing off Violence Week here at The Picket Line.

Violence certainly can be an effective way to disrupt the tax collecting bureaucracy. Most tax collectors are not particularly enthusiastic about their calling, and so a little intimidation can go a long way in discouraging them. This in turn makes tax collection more expensive for the government, decreasing its return-on-investment and compelling it either to tighten its belt or to resort to higher taxes and thereby expand the ranks of resisters.

The IRS even now is complaining of “a surge of hostility towards the federal government” that threatens its employees. “Attacks and threats against IRS employees and facilities have risen steadily in recent years.” Taxation is such a political hot potato, and politicians are so venal, that the people who most profit from taxes are often the first ones to fan the flames of hostility.

Violence also has a way of backfiring. Tax resistance campaigns often show great success right up to the point where they start relying on violent tactics, whereupon they lose popular support, become subject to an easier-to-justify draconian crack-down, or reinvigorate their opponents. Violence also, in a less-obvious way, harms the body politic by increasing fear, divisiveness, and tension, by giving precedent to people who already have tendencies to resolve conflicts violently, by making it harder for opposing sides to come to a reconciliation, and so forth. And of course, in many cases, it is just cruel and wrong in its own right.

I have presented examples this week largely without passing judgment as to whether they were justified or helpful to their cause. Some examples, for instance the Rebecca Riots, are hard to imagine without violence. Other examples, for instance the Regulator movement in colonial North Carolina, seemed to me to be cases where violent tactics were counterproductive to the point of being disastrous. And in some cases, the violence was so cruel or misdirected that even if you were being generous about the ends justifying the means, you would be hard-pressed to defend it. (You can read my personal views about whether violence directed at tax collectors can be justified or helpful at an earlier Picket Line post.)

A good example of violence being used successfully is also an unsavory one. White supremacists in the defeated states of the Confederacy after the U.S. Civil War used violent white militias to back up their tax resistance campaign against the reconstruction state governments that were being propped up by the victorious Union forces. In Louisiana, dozens of armed men from the paramilitary “White League”…

…came to prevent the deputy tax-collector effecting a sale, armed with revolvers nearly all. Mr. Fournet came and threatened the deputy and tax-collector. The deputy and tax-collector ran into their offices. I came down and called upon the citizens to clear the court-house, but could not succeed. I then called upon the military, but they had no orders at that time to give me assistance to carry out the law.

When the deputy tax-collector attempted to make a sale Mr. Fournet raised his hand and struck him. The deputy then shoved him down. As soon as this was done forty, fifty, or sixty men came with their revolvers in hand.

White supremacist paramilitary groups went from terrorizing tax collectors and auctioneers to intimidating voters, assassinating office-holders, and massacring blacks. Their terror campaign was ultimately successful at wearing down the will of the North. The U.S. withdrew federal troops, whereupon the white supremacist forces retook political control, the white paramilitaries were absorbed into the state militias, and the white supremacists held absolute political control for generations after.

So, yes, sometimes the terrorists do win, and sometimes violence is successful, for some definitions of “success.”

Here are a few examples of attacks on tax officials that I wasn’t sure how to categorize… I include them below in a sort of catch-all miscellany category:

  • In one of the more amusing cases in my archive, when colonial Governor John Evans tried to impose a tax on shipping on the Delaware river, in violation of the colonial charter, and to enforce this by firing cannons on vessels that tried to pass his fort without paying, Richard Hill decided to defy the tax. First he sent men “with the ship’s papers to the fort, to show that the vessel had been regularly cleared at the custom-house, and to endeavour to persuade the officer to suffer her to pass without molestation,” but that didn’t work. Then he just tried to sail by, “steering as near to the opposite side as he safely could,” and almost got through “without damage, except [for] the main-sail, which was shot through.” Then:

    The officer at the fort, not willing to miss his prize, immediately had his boat manned and went in pursuit. [Hill’s] ship’s sails were now slackened, and the boat was allowed to come alongside, and having fastened a rope to the ship, the officer and his men came on board. Whilst engaged in a warm controversy with the owner and his friends, some one on board (no doubt advisedly) quietly loosed the boat and let her drift astern. The ship was now under full sail, and when the officer at length discovered that he was in danger of a voyage to the West Indies, and that all his hopes of retreat were cut off, his courage failed, and he suffered himself to be led as a prisoner into the cabin.

    Hill landed on the Jersey side of the river, run by Evans’s rival-governor Lord Cornbury, “who claimed in his own right the exclusive jurisdiction of the river” and, being “a proud and haughty man, on hearing the case, was quite indignant at this encroachment on his prerogative, and he threatened the officer in no measured terms of rebuke, who now became seriously alarmed at his situation, and sued for pardon, making many professions of sorrow for the offence he had committed. At length, having promised never to attempt the like again, he was suffered to depart.” Evans then gave up on his pet tax.
  • When a higher court ordered county court judges in Missouri to institute taxes there to pay off the owners of fraudulently-issued railroad bonds, “a gang of armed men rode into the county seat of Osceola and held tax officials at gunpoint while its members stole all the official tax records. The gang warned the county court judges that they would be lynched unless they resigned immediately. Lawmen recognized individuals in the gang but took no action because they knew residents admired the gang more than they did the court. … All three judges resigned and, at a special election, voters selected three dedicated Greenbackers, one of them a relative of train robber Cole Younger who could presumably be trusted not to ally with railroads” … “Under renewed popular threats of physical harm, county courts in Knox and Macon devised schemes in that prevented the county treasuries from ever having enough funds to pay railroad debts.”
  • British Constitutionalists last year stormed a courtroom where a man was challenging his council tax bill and attempted to place the judge under citizens’ arrest. “In chaotic scenes, police rescued Judge Michael Peake from the clutches of a mob and escorted him safely from the County Court…”

Often in tax resistance campaigns, not everybody is able to be a tax resister, for instance because not everybody is responsible for the tax being resisted, or because the point of the resistance is that some of the people being taxed ought not to be (and so only that class of people is resisting).

In such cases it can be useful to inspire those who cannot themselves resist the tax to show solidarity for the movement in other ways, and it can also help to provide or suggest roles that non-resisting sympathizers can play in the campaign.

Today I’ll mention some examples.

  • The Rebecca Rioters knew how to make their tollgate destruction popular among people who couldn’t (or even wouldn’t) participate directly. For example:
    • One night, Rebeccaites destroyed the Rhos Gate, the Rhydyfuwch Gate, and the gate on the Llangoedmore road near Cardigan. “ was market day in Cardigan, and every one who drove in was exempted from paying the usual toll, except those who came over the coach-road. The people, looking at things from that point of view, were filled with Rebeccaite enthusiasm. On that day nothing was heard at public-houses but proposals of good health and long life to Rebecca.”
    • On another occasion, they pointedly left intact the gates on “the Queen’s high road” but destroyed those on roads that the various parishes were required to maintain. “This rendered Rebecca not unpopular amongst some farmers and others, many of whom paid the fine, rather than be sworn in as special constables.”
  • The Rebeccaites also sometimes resorted to threats to induce reluctant people to participate. In one example:

    All male inhabitants being householders of the hundred, were to meet , at the “Plough and Harrow,” Newchurch parish, to march in procession to Carmarthen — to defy the Mayor and magistrates, and to destroy the gate on their return. Rich and poor were to be compelled to attend, and in case of illness a substitute must be found. All owners of horses were to ride. All persons absent without a sufficient excuse or substitute were to have their houses and barns destroyed by fire.

    and in another:

    [I]n order to ensure a full attendance of her followers, the church doors in the neighbourhood of Elvet were covered with notices in the dead of night, signed by “’Becca,” commanding all males above the age of sixteen and under seventy to appear at the “Plough and Harrow” on under pain of having their houses burnt and their lives sacrificed. The time and place of meeting were also published by word of mouth at most of the Dissenting meeting-houses throughout the hundred, and wherever a disinclination was known to exist on the part of any person to join in the procession and to take part in the intended proceedings, he was privately admonished if he wished to protect his property from the firebrand of the midnight incendiary, and to excuse himself from personal injury, that he had better join the procession — “or else.” This species of intimidation had the effect of drawing together immense numbers to the place of rendezvous.

    despite the threats:

    [Their cheers] were lustily responded to by groups of spectators who had by this time completely filled Guildhall Square, so that the Rebeccaites could hardly pass through.

    At one point they explicitly threatened an attorney to make him join them on one of their destructive sprees, “so that if any proceedings were subsequently taken, he as local solicitor might be made a party to them.” They sometimes also forced the toll house operators to take part in the destruction of their own toll houses.
  • When Palestinian Jews practiced tax resistance against the British occupation government in the at least one Jew back in London stopped paying his income tax as well.
  • In , in support of Palestinian doctors who were refusing to pay an Israeli income tax, shopkeepers in Gaza City launched multiple two-day strikes.
  • Some men who were sympathetic to the tax resistance of the Women’s Tax Resistance League found that they could participate in the campaign by exploiting a legal technicality that made them responsible for paying their wives’ income taxes. If their wives refused to pay, and they were unable to pay and had no property to seize, they might be imprisoned for tax refusal — and some were.
  • American revolutionaries who were using boycotts and other means to try to cut off the support of taxed and British-monopoly products found allies back in the home country in the form of manufacturers and exporters who begged Parliament to rescind the taxes so as to bring the boycotts to an end.
  • War tax resister Vickie Aldrich recently got some pro bono legal assistance from law students in her battle with the IRS.
  • When residents of Beit Sahour launched a tax strike against the Israeli occupation, Israel put the town under seige. Christian groups around the world attempted to bring humanitarian aid to the city, or even to visit (including the heads of the Greek Orthodox and Armenian Orthodox churches), but were turned away by the Israeli military.
  • The success of the anti-Poll Tax movement in Thatcher’s Britain relied on mass popular support. The Anti-Poll Tax Unions “had to make people feel wanted and included and give everyone a sense that they had a role,” said movement chronicler Danny Burns. “In order to sustain a long and protracted struggle, it was necessary for as many people as possible to feel responsible for some aspect of the movement, however small. In the fight against the bailiffs and sheriff officers, the kids hanging around the streets passed on the word as soon as they saw a suspicious-looking character. Parents and pensioners who were not out at work organised telephone trees and were ready to be at each others’ houses at short notice.”

Tax resistance campaigns have found it useful to identify resonances with popular myths, esteemed tax rebellions of yore, and semi-fictional heroes. Here are some examples:

  • Just about every tax revolt in the United States (and many elsewhere as well) appropriates the example of the Boston Tea Party as an evocative reminder of a grassroots uprising, the recent “Taxed Enough Already” TEA Party movement being just the latest of many, many examples.
  • In Spain, the tancament de caixes plays a similar role to the Tea Party in America, with modern Spanish tax resisters comparing their campaigns with that legendary struggle. In England (and the British empire), John Hampden has long been the exemplar of choice, with his example being used from South Africa to Ireland to India to prove that celebrated patriots can refuse to pay their taxes.
  • The phrase “no taxation without representation” has such resonance, especially in the descendant nations of the British Empire, that it gets trotted out even to support tax resistance campaigns in which representation isn’t really an issue at all. It was especially potent in the American revolution and in the women’s suffrage movements.
  • The Rebecca Rioters in Wales, painting their faces and dressing in drag to destroy tollgates and mete out justice in the middle of the nineteenth century, were tapping into a folkloric form of grassroots justice that was centuries old. “Jack a Lents” painted their faces and dressed in women’s clothing to tear down turnpikes in England a century before, and I’ve found references to protesters led by men in women’s clothing and using the shared pseudonym of “Lady Skimmington” in the Western Rising in England a century before that.
  • Resistance to the “Foreign Miners Tax” in California in gave birth to the myth of Joaquin Murieta, a sort of Robin Hood-like outlaw who became a desperado when he was forced off his claim by the tax.
  • The Robin Hood myth itself has taken on a tax resistance theme in recent years. The popular Disney animated version of the Robin Hood story makes the wicked Sheriff of Nottingham a tax collector, and Robin Hood’s robbery of him a case of redistributing the taxes back to the people they’d been seized from:

    While he taxes us to pieces
      And he robs us of our bread
    King Richard’s crown keeps slippin’ down
      Around that pointed head
    Ah! But while there is a merry man
      in Robin’s wily pack
    We’ll find a way to make him pay
      And steal our money back

  • Urban legends helped to fuel tax resistance during the French Revolution. Rumors that the King had abolished taxes led people to refuse payment or to destroy the obsolete offices and apparatus of taxation. Here is a similar example from Russia (as found in James C. Scott’s Domination and the Arts of Resistance):

    After the emancipation [of the serfs] in , the peasants in Biezdne (Kazan Province) were demoralized to discover that with redemption payments, labor dues, and taxes their burdens were, if anything, heavier than before. When one of their number claimed that the emancipation decree granted them complete freedom from such dues — the term volia (freedom) appeared in many contexts in the decree — but that the squires and officials had kept it from being implemented, they leapt at the opportunity, now sanctioned from on high, to refuse payment.

    The myth of the czar’s benevolence, which was of course promoted by the czarist government, could backfire in this way when peasants refused to pay onerous taxes or obey other commands of the czar’s subordinates, under the theory that because the czar was so good he could not possibly have ordered such terrible things:

    Perhaps the most remarkable feature of the myth was its plasticity in the hands of its peasant adherents. First and foremost, it was an invitation to resist any or all of the czar’s supposed agents, who could not have been carrying out the good czar’s wishes if they imposed heavy taxes, conscription, rents, military corvée, and so forth. If the czar only knew of the crimes his faithless agents were committing in his name, he would punish them and rectify matters. When petitions failed and oppression continued, it may simply have indicated that an impostor — a false czar — was on the throne. In such cases, the peasants who joined the banners of a rebel claiming to be the true czar would be demonstrating their loyalty to the monarchy. … In a form of symbolic jujitsu, an apparently conservative myth counseling passivity becomes a basis for defiance and rebellion…

  • Scott also talks (e.g. in his paper Everyday Forms of Resistance) about how “much of the folk culture of the peasant ‘little tradition’ amounts to a legitimation, or even a celebration, of [resistance]…”

    In this and other ways (e.g. tales of bandits, tricksters, peasant heroes, religious myths, carnivalesque parodies of authorities) the peasant subculture helps to underwrite dissimulation, poaching, theft, tax evasion, evasion of conscription, and so on. While folk culture is not coordinational in any formal sense, it often achieves a “climate of opinion” which, in other more institutionalized societies, might require a public relations campaign.

  • The very name “Poll Tax,” which came to be the most widely-accepted name for what Thatcher’s government hoped would go down as the “community charge,” was a potent propaganda coup for the resistance movement. Danny Burns, a chronicler of that successful tax rebellion, says that “the story of [Wat Tyler’s] peasants revolt against the Poll Tax in 1381 was told in virtually every meeting. Calling on these traditions was an important part of explaining why non-cooperation was needed…” Signs that people would hang in their windows reading “No Poll Tax Here” also hearkened back to the tax resistance accompanying the Reform Act agitation in the .
  • Today, tax resistance actions like the ongoing Household Tax resistance in Ireland compare themselves in turn to the successful Poll Tax revolt.
  • The Lady Godiva myth concerns a “noblewoman who, according to legend, rode naked through the streets of Coventry in order to gain a remission of the oppressive taxation imposed by her husband on his tenants.”
  • A motley variety of myths about “common law,” about the True Constitution, about the significance of fringed edges to flags, and other what-not, fuel the often bizarre Constitutionalist tax protester movement in the United States.

Sometimes the decisive turn in a tax resistance campaign has come when the resisters have coalesced into a formal group with the authority to organize and coordinate resistance actions. Today I’ll give some examples of this.

  • The Great Confederated Anti-Dray and Land Tax League of South Australia formed in the to fight taxes associated with a recently-enacted Road Act, and, once organized, the League was successful in its fight. Organizer Jonathan Norman remarked to a meeting of the League in : “They had before them an example of what might be achieved by union. In everything they had been victorious; the dray-tax. which from time to time was threatened to be enforced, was ultimately abandoned altogether. The various memorials from the different hundreds, backed by the memorial of the united delegates, had caused the Government to introduce an amended Act, which promised almost everything they desired.”
  • When Charles Ⅹ and his ministers threatened to bypass the elected legislature and start taxing and spending on their own initiative in , French liberals declared that since such actions violated the constitution, the people were under no obligation to pay for them with their taxes. Taxed landholders in Brittany formed the “Breton Association” to coordinate their resistance.

    This Association had a two-fold object. They proposed, in the first place, to refuse to pay any illegal tax, and in the second place to raise by contribution a common fund for indemnifying any subscriber, whose property or person might suffer by reason of his refusal.

    The members subscribed each ten francs. In the event of any tax being imposed without the consent of the Chambers, or with the consent of a Chamber of Deputies created by any illegal alteration of the existing law, payment of the tax was to be refused, and the money subscribed was to be employed in defending and indemnifying the persons who should so refuse, and to prosecute all who might be concerned in the imposing, or the levying of such illegal taxes.

    The association enacted a trigger mechanism for an organized tax strike and a process for collecting and distributing a mutual insurance fund. In this way they were able to present a credible threat to the planned royal usurpation — so much so that the newspapers that dared to print the Association’s charter were prosecuted and their editors imprisoned. This only served to fuel the movement: “The associations spread over the greater part of the kingdom; they embraced more than half the Chamber of Deputies, and a very considerable number of peers.”
  • The Rebeccaites formed Farmers Unions which met in secret to discuss the same sort of grievances that, in disguise, Rebecca and her sisters would address vigilante-style, and which corresponded with each other in a regional network. One farmer said: “This Union among us is a very excellent thing if all join. When they elect members of Parliament they do just as they please, and we have no voice, but here we have. There is no way of putting things to rights till we get up this Union, and then we can do as we please and think best. If we had had this Union many years ago we should be better off than we are now!”
  • The Women’s Tax Resistance League formed in when about twenty women from existing suffrage groups came together in London “with the single-minded aim of starting ‘an entirely independent society quite separate from any existing suffrage society with the object of spreading the principles of tax resistance.’ ” League organizer Margaret Kineton Parkes explained that it “included Suffragists from every camp, Conservative, Liberal, Socialist, as well as non-party, and was making every effort to get a large number of influential women to refuse to pay taxes” because “[t]he isolated refusal to pay was ineffective and only caused trouble to the refuser; but a large and unexpected number would cause considerable trouble to the Government and would bring the question at issue home to them.”
  • Elias Rishmawi was among those who organized tax resistance in Beit Sahour during the first intifada. He remembers how important it was to have formed a network of committees so as to distribute communication and decision-making in anticipation of Israeli military disruption by means of curfews and arrests of the resistance leadership.
  • Direct action-oriented pacifists in the United States came together in to form Peacemakers. “[T]his is not an attempt to organize another pacifist membership organization, which one joins by signing a statement or paying a membership fee,” they announced. By the group had about 2,000 members, about 150 of which were resisting taxes. A second group, War Tax Resistance, promoted the tactic within the anti-Vietnam War activist community. In , the National War Tax Resistance Coordinating Committee formed to help a variety of groups that included war tax resistance as part of their work to coordinate and share resources and expertise.
  • During the Great Depression in the United States, taxpayers’ leagues, some of which organized property tax strikes, proliferated in the thousands. Such groups “spring up like mushrooms,” one critic complained, “every time you go out in the morning, you find more of them.” These leagues attacked the taxes on multiple fronts — not only organizing tax strikes but also coordinating legal suits and pressuring political figures.
  • A proposed sales tax boycott in Ottawa in was boosted by the group Human Action to Limit Taxes. “As individuals we are lost,” one resister said. “But as a group we would have some impact.”
  • In the Birmingham Political Union of the Middle and Lower Classes formed. It would play a strong role — and would advocate tax resistance — in the battle to pass the Reform Act of . But it also began as a war tax resistance group, asking its members to sign the following oath:

    That in the event of the present ministers so misconducting the affairs of the country as to make it probable we shall be involved in a Continental war [with Belgium], we will consider the propriety of checking so mischievous an event by withholding the means as far as may lay in our power, and will then consider whether or not refusing to pay direct taxes may not be advisable.

  • Similarly, the Catalonian “National Union” began life as a committee to direct a tax resistance action in and grew into the organizing party for an ambitious reform movement: “its demands included the entire reorganization of the vital forces of the nation: fiscal and administrative reform, the amelioration of the judicial system, the introduction of an effective system of compulsory education, the improvement of the provincial governments.”
  • In Danny Burns’s book on the Poll Tax Rebellion, he stresses how important it was for the success of the campaign that people formed and ran their own small-scale, neighbor­hood resistance groups, rather than ceding control of the movement to the various established left-wing partisan and labor-union groups who wanted to use the movement to their own ends but were also afraid to identify themselves too closely with the law-breaking resisters.

    Prior to the Anti-Poll Tax campaign, many people’s only experience of politics was a traditional Labour Party or trade union meeting — the sort of meeting where the top table takes up 90% of the discussion; where the only items discussed are those decided by the executive committee; where half the meeting time is spent discussing procedural motions or the order of words in a resolution; where political factions throw rhetoric across the room in angry and unproductive exchanges. Essentially, boring meetings which stretch long into the night. Hundreds of thousands of people have been to these meetings just once and never returned. To engage people in a mass campaign, the Anti-Poll Tax Unions had to challenge this culture of organisation. They had to make people feel wanted and included and give everyone a sense that they had a role.… This immediate form of organisation also meant that people weren’t patronised by those who had political experience. In the local groups, people didn’t need permission to act, they just had to get on the phone to their neighbours and get something going. People stay involved in political campaigns if they can contribute in the way that they feel is most effective. Very often this is not by sitting in boring meetings.

    …most of the successful Anti-Poll Tax Unions operated on a principle of parallel development. Rather than trying to assert majority control or spend hours reaching consensus, people were allowed to get on with what they thought was most important. Everything could be done in the name of the Anti-Poll Tax Union, which existed to coordinate activity against the Poll Tax, not to specify its exact nature.

    However, he also notes:

    …it was sometimes in the places where the Anti-Poll Tax Unions were weakest that resistance was strongest. For example, St. Pauls was almost the only area in Bristol which couldn’t sustain an Anti-Poll Tax group. Local people didn’t feel the need to set up new groups because, as in many inner city areas, they already had strong networks of solidarity, and there was already a high level of general hostility to officials of any sort. … By the end of , three times as many people had turned up to court to contest their cases from St. Pauls than any other area.

  • White supremacists in Louisiana met in to form “The People’s Association to Resist Unconstitutional Taxation” to coordinate their resistance to state and city taxes enacted by the reconstruction government there, and to provide legal support for resisters.
  • Property owners of Silver Lake Assembly met in to decide how to respond to a property tax they felt was being illegally put over on them by a government with no authority to do so. They decided to respond as a group, “and perfected an organization for the purpose,” issuing a resolution saying that they “individually and collectively will resist the payment of the so-called taxes.”

One way tax resisters can foil the plans of the tax collectors is to send up the alarm when they’re on the way. Here are some examples:

  • In rural Germany between the wars, a tax strike broke out, and when tax collectors came to distrain cattle from the resisters:

    they blew the fire horn, and on the road they lit a fire of straw, the age-old sign that help is needed. Peasants ran from all sides towards the smoke.

  • “Horning” was a legal term of art describing the process under which tax debtors could be imprisoned for defying the King (because it was normally prohibited at the time to imprison someone merely for being a debtor in default). During the Edinburgh Annuity Tax resistance, one victim of this process declared “Horning! horning! — by the powers! if they bring a horning against me, I’ll bring a horning against them.”:

    When the King’s messenger-at-arms, as tipstaves are called in Scotland, brought his horning to the Cowgate, the Irishman, previously provided with a tremendous bullock’s horn, blew a blast “so loud and dread,” that it might have brought down the Castle wall; and a faction mustered as quickly as if it had sounded in the suburbs of Kilkenny. The messenger-at-arms took leave as rapidly as possible, and without making the charge of horning at this time.

  • Poujadist tax rebels in France in used this tactic: “Some priests ring church bells to warn of the arrival of the revenuers,” according to a Life magazine article on the movement. A Montreal Gazette reporter said of Poujade’s Union for the Defence of Shopkeepers and Craftsmen:

    The loudspeaker is its symbol and it all started in earnest one bright morning 18 months ago when a loudspeaker mounted on a truck brought awful tidings to the pleasant little town of St. Cere near Toulouse in south-west France.

    “Attention,” it blared. “Attention. The tax inspector is in town.”

    There was a rumbling sound as the steel curtains with which French shops are shuttered at night were rolled down all over St. Cere. …

    The tax inspector rapped on steel curtain after steel curtain, demanding to be let in to see the books. Nowhere did he get an answer. When they found that even the bistros were locked, the hapless inspector and his guards gave up their mission and beat a humble retreat from St. Cere.

    The triumph of St. Cere lit the fires of rebellion in the hearts of tax-ridden shopkeepers all over France. Poujade was suddenly a national figure and he lost no time in organizing his Union to spread the message of the loudspeakers and the steel curtains.

  • More recently, in Greece, when tax official Nikos Maitos took a team of inspectors to the island of Naxos to hunt for tax evaders, “a local radio station broadcast his license plate number to warn residents.”
  • During the Bardoli satyagraha, tax collectors and other government enforcers were tracked by the resisters, who warned villagers when they were on the way. Resister Govardhandas Chokhavala said, “We have provided our volunteers with drums and conches, and the moment they sight a Government servant, the drum or the conch gives the alarm. That is work which is after the heart of these youngsters.” Some other notes from The Story of Bardoli read:

    [E]very village had its volunteers ready with their bugles or drums which Were pressed into aid as soon as they caught sight of the Talati and Patel out on their japti [attachment] depredations

    The youngsters on duty announced [the Collector’s] arrival by a hearty beating of their drums. and all the doors were closed.

    [T]he other [new legal] notification which was over the signature of the District Superintendent of Police prohibited the beating of drums, playing music, or blowing conches or horns on or near public roads or public places or Government buildings.

    Some of them had to post themselves at and keep a strict watch over the various approaches to the village, and no sooner was a japti party sighted or the whank of a car heard, than they were to be on their alert, and the warning of the fact to be given to the village people. Some of them had always like sleuth hounds to be on the trail of the Government officials. Their business was to scent their plans and warn the village people against their machinations.

    Some boys were arrested, tried, and imprisoned for nothing more than keeping a watchful eye on a government building from across the street.
  • Tax resisters in Alwar, India in used this system: “The paths are blocked by huge boulders and at intervals along the hills remote from the towns are watchers with giant tom-toms which are heard for five miles, giving warning of the approach of troops or the revenue collectors.”
  • The horn became the symbol of the Rebeccaite uprising in Wales, because of incidents like this one:

    The constables then went towards Talog; but when on their way there they heard the sound of a horn, and immediately between two and three hundred persons assembled together, with their faces blackened, some dressed in women’s caps, and others with their coats turned so as to be completely disguised — armed with scythes, crowbars and all manner of destructive weapons which they could lay their hands on. After cheering the constables, they defied them to do their duty. The latter had no alternative but to return to town without executing their warrants. The women were seen running in all directions to alarm their neighbours; and some hundreds were concealed behind the hedges, intending to appear if their services were required. The entire district seemed to be aroused, and awaiting the arrival of the constables, who were going to levy on the goods of John Harris of Talog Mill for the amount of the fine and costs imposed upon him by the magistrates. There could not have been less than two hundred persons assembled to resist the execution of process, and vast numbers were flocking from all quarters, in response to the blowing of a horn, the signal of the Rebeccaites to repair thither. Various mounted messengers were scouring the country and sounding the trumpet of alarm.

  • During the poll tax rebellion in Thatcher’s Britain, resisters tracked and shadowed bailiffs, and declared certain areas to be bailiff “no-go” zones, with watchouts established to raise the alarm if any approached. They first modeled this approach on tactics used in South African townships during the anti-apartheid resistance there, and then improvised from there:

    Throughout Britain, city-wide bailiff busting groups were formed. Activists in Edinburgh formed a group called “Scum-busters” which was equipped with CB radios, and squadrons of cars. Telephone trees were organised; bailiff companies were monitored; their car registration numbers were taken and distributed to activists in all the local areas. Camden, in London, followed their example in :

    We have organised a rota so that we know who and when people are available to do whatever shift. We have organised a “knock up system” giving people different responsibilities for knocking up each part of the estate when the bailiffs are spotted. Telephone trees have also been established. We have approached a couple of mini-cab firms who have agreed to be bailiff spotters.…


Another way people can assist and show solidarity with tax resisters is by coming to their assistance if their property is seized. Here are some examples:

Practical support

  • The War Tax Resisters Penalty Fund was established in . It helps war tax resisters who have had penalties and interest added to their tax bills and seized by the IRS by reimbursing them for a large portion of these additional charges.

    The more people we could recruit to shoulder the penalties and interest of resisters, the lighter the burden for everyone. With the modest help we could provide, conscientious resisters were able to keep on keeping on.

    The penalty fund had the added benefit of making us all tax resisters, not just those who withheld all or a portion of their income taxes. The base list of supporters has been as high as 800 people sharing the weight. In nearly every appeal, at least 200 people respond, usually more. In all we’ve paid out about $250,000 to help resisters stay in the struggle.

  • When the home of war tax resisters Randy Kehler and Betsy Corner was seized for back taxes, supporters came from near and far to maintain a 24-hour occupation of the home:

    [David] Dellinger and others have come from as far away as California to the Colrain [Massachusetts] house… Mr. Kehler and Ms. Corner continued to live in the house until they were arrested by Federal marshals last December. Since then, friends and supporters of the couple have arrived to occupy the almost empty house in week-long shifts marked by the Thursday “changing of the guard” ceremony. Because the house was sold in a Government auction in , all who go inside risk arrest for trespassing.…

    For Bonney Simons of St. Johnsbury, Vt., sleeping on a bedroll in the house is her first official act of civil disobedience. At 72 years of age, she said, it is time to “put your body where your mouth is.”

  • Suffragist tax resister Dora Montefiore barricaded her home and kept the tax collector from seizing her property for several weeks in , in what came to be known as the “Siege of Montefiore.” She noted:

    The tradespeople of the neighbourhood were absolutely loyal to us besieged women, delivering their milk and bread, etc., over the rather high garden wall which divided the small front gardens of Upper Mall from the terraced roadway fronting the river. The weekly wash arrived in the same way and the postman day by day delivered very encouraging budgets of correspondence, so that practically we suffered very little inconvenience…

    A woman sympathiser in the neighbourhood brought during the course of the [first] morning, a pot of home-made marmalade, as the story had got abroad that we had no provisions and had difficulty in obtaining food. This was never the case as I am a good housekeeper and have always kept a store cupboard, but we accepted with thanks the pot of marmalade because the intentions of the giver were so excellent.

    Examples like this also proved to be vivid anecdotes that the press could use when describing the siege and the support from sympathizers.
  • When the U.S. government seized Amish tax resister Valentine Byler’s horses and their harnesses while he was in the field preparing for spring planting, sympathetic neighbors allowed him to borrow their horses so he could continue his work. Other sympathizers throughout the country who heard about the case sent Byler money — more than enough to buy a new team.
  • An auctioneer who was dragooned into helping the government sell some of the livestock of a man who had been resisting taxes meant to pay for sectarian education in , donated the fee he had earned for conducting the auction to the resister.
  • During the water charge strike in Dublin, “local campaign groups successfully resisted attempts to disconnect water and in the couple of instances where water was cut off, campaigners re-connected it within hours. The first round was won hands down by the campaign and it was back to the drawing board for the councils.”
  • Similar monkeywrenching is being practiced today in Greece, where activists promptly reconnect utilities of people who have been disconnected for failure to pay the increased taxes attached to their utility bills.
  • During the Annuity Tax resistance in Edinburgh, people sympathetic to the resisters would bid on and return furniture and other items that had been seized and sold by the tax collectors.
  • The Rebecca Rioters, on the other hand, were characteristically more direct in their resistance:

    Warrants of distress were issued… and the constables proceeded to execute them… The constables then went towards Talog; but when on their way there they heard the sound of a horn, and immediately between two and three hundred persons assembled together, with their faces blackened, some dressed in women’s caps, and others with their coats turned so as to be completely disguised — armed with scythes, crowbars and all manner of destructive weapons which they could lay their hands on. After cheering the constables, they defied them to do their duty. The latter had no alternative but to return to town without executing their warrants. The women were seen running in all directions to alarm their neighbours; and some hundreds were concealed behind the hedges, intending to appear if their services were required. The entire district seemed to be aroused, and awaiting the arrival of the constables, who were going to levy on the goods of John Harris of Talog Mill for the amount of the fine and costs imposed upon him by the magistrates. There could not have been less than two hundred persons assembled to resist the execution of process, and vast numbers were flocking from all quarters, in response to the blowing of a horn, the signal of the Rebeccaites to repair thither. Various mounted messengers were scouring the country and sounding the trumpet of alarm.…

    At Maesgwenllian near Kidwelly, several bailiffs were put in possession for arrears of rent to the amount of £150, but about , Rebecca and a great number of her followers made their appearance on the premises, and after driving the bailiffs off, took away the whole of the goods distrained on. As soon as daylight appeared, the bailiffs returned, but found no traces of Rebecca, nor of the goods which had been taken away.

  • A group in Olive Hill, Kentucky in followed the Rebecca model, to an extent, “in a raid… by a band of between 800 and 900 men, who forced Levi White, Collector of Taxes, to give up a stock of goods which had been seized. The goods were then taken back to the store of Levi Oppenheimer, where the official had seized them.”
  • Last year in Oaxaca, the PRI said that the would “defend up to the point of injunctions those citizens who suffer from liens imposed as well as judgments in order to prevent the impounding of vehicles, considering it unconstitutional that the police will impound them to stop the driver and remove the unit if the striker does not pay the corresponding [vehicle] tax.”
  • The IRS auctioned off a portion of Ralph Shinaberry’s property in after he refused to pay a fine for growing more wheat on his farm than his government-assigned quota. “I don’t believe the Government can tell me how much I can grow,” he said, explaining his resistance. The winning bidder, Herbert Jessup, told a reporter: “I have no intention of taking possession of the property.”
  • When war tax resister Cosmas Raimondi’s car was seized by the IRS in , a handful of families in his parish offered to permanently loan him their car so he could still get around, and many others loaned him their cars temporarily. “I’ve not had to ask one person,” he said.
  • In Beit Sahour, when the Israeli occupation authorities seized furniture and appliances from resisters, relatives and others would loan them spares, or camping furniture to use as replacements.
  • “In Bedfordshire in community pressure persuaded a minister to return goods seized from a Quaker for non-payment of tithes.”

Moral support

  • When Dora Montefiore was first formulating her “siege” strategy with fellow-activists Theresa Billington and Annie Kenney, they agreed to organize daily demonstrations outside of her home while she was defending it. Montefiore remembered:

    The feeling in the neighbourhood towards my act of passive resistance was so excellent and the publicity being given by the Press in the evening papers was so valuable that we decided to make the Hammersmith “Fort” for the time being the centre of the W.S.P.U. activities, and daily demonstrations were arranged for and eventually carried out. … The roadway was… ideal for the holding of a meeting, as no blocking of traffic could take place, and day in, day out the principles for which suffragists were standing we expounded to many who before had never even heard of the words Woman Suffrage. At the evening demonstrations rows of lamps were hung along the top of the wall and against the house, the members of the W.S.P.U. speaking from the steps of the house, while I spoke from one of the upstairs windows.

    …shoals of letters came to me, a few sadly vulgar and revolting, but the majority helpful and encouraging. Some Lancashire lads who had heard me speaking in the Midlands wrote and said that if I wanted help they would come with their clogs but that was never the sort of support I needed, and though I thanked them, I declined the help as nicely as I could. … The working women from the East End came, time and again, to demonstrate in front of my barricaded house…

  • When the IRS seized and auctioned off the home and farm of Art Harvey and Elizabeth Gravalos in , other war tax resisters and supporters were by their sides:

    “I might have cried if I were alone,” Gravalos admitted. But she was far from alone. About 75 supporters gathered outside the building and spoke of their solidarity with Elizabeth and Arthur.

    About 35 supporters turned up for the second auction, this time held at the IRS office in Lewiston, Maine. Demonstrators read excerpts from letters to IRS officials and to President Clinton urging them to call off the auction.

  • In , the IRS levied 78-year-old war tax resister Ruth McKay’s social security checks to recoup the taxes she had been refusing to pay over the previous 20 years. To show their support of her stand, 40 activists from New Hampshire Peace Action joined her for a vigil at the federal courthouse in Concord, New Hampshire.
  • When war tax resister Maria Smith’s wages were garnisheed by the IRS in , fifty supporters held a special church service in her honor.
  • “One of the Valod Vanias,” whose land was seized by the government during the Bardoli satyagraha, “who thus lost all his valuable property, celebrated the event by inviting friends and soldiers of Satyagraha to a party.”

On the other hand, some campaigns have taken the position that sacrifices for the cause are their own reward — that martyrdom is a blessing and that it would be foolish for such resisters to seek or accept recompense.

Nathaniel Morgan was speaking with someone curious about the Quaker stand on war and war taxes, and had this to say:

I told him then that I and my father had refused to pay the income tax on account of war, and had refused it on its first coming out, and withstood it 16 years, except when peace was declared, and that our goods were sold by auction to pay it. This seemed to excite his curiosity, and made a stand to hear further, on the steps above the engine, going down to the river; asking me if we got anything by that, meaning, was anything refunded by the Society for such suffering. I immediately replied: “Yes, peace of mind, which was worth all.”


I gave some examples of social boycotts and shunning being used as a way of discouraging non-participation in a tax resistance campaign.

Campaigns have also used threats of violence and other, more ambiguous threats as a way of trying to coerce reluctant people into resisting their taxes. Here are some examples:

  • During the Whiskey Rebellion, rebels threatened to destroy the stills of distillers who complied in paying the excise tax. Here are some other examples:
    • A letter from “Tom the Tinker” (a collective alias used by the rebels) to one distiller told him that he must stop paying the tax, must join them in their paramilitary activities, and must publish the letter containing these threats in the newspaper at his own expense.
    • Alexander Hamilton complained that “nor were the outrages perpetrated confined to the officers; they extended to private citizens who only dared to show their respect for the laws of their country.” Also: “a person of the name of Roseberry underwent the humiliating punishment of tarring and feathering, with some aggravations, for having in conversation hazarded the very natural and just but unpalatable remark, that the inhabitants of that county could not reasonably expect protection from a government whose laws they so strenuously opposed.”
    • “Robert Shawhan, a distiller, who had been among the first to comply with the law, and who had always spoken favorably of it… had his barn burnt, with all the grain and hay which it contained.”
    • There were “threats of tarring and feathering one William Cochran, a complying distiller, and of burning his distillery; and that it had also been given out that, in three weeks, there would not be a house standing in Alleghany County, of any person who had complied with the laws.”
    • “[M]en called at the house of James Kiddoe, who had recently complied with the laws, broke into his still-house, fired several balls under his still, and scattered fire over and about the house.”
    • “James Kiddoe, the person above mentioned, and William Cochran, another complying distiller, met with repeated injury to their property. Kiddoe had parts of his grist-mill at different times carried away, and Cochran suffered more material injuries; his still was destroyed, his saw-mill was rendered useless by the taking away of the saw, and his grist-mill so injured as to require to be repaired at considerable expense.”
  • During the Fries Rebellion, also, one family “said there were some bad people living in the neighborhood who would do them injury if they submitted to the rates.”
  • The Rebecca Rioters sometimes took or threatened reprisals against those who willingly paid tolls or who refused to join their tollbooth destruction gallivants:
    • One notice from the rioters read: “This is to give notice, that the goods of all persons who will henceforth pay at Water Street Gate will be burned and their lives will be taken from them at a time they will not think — ’Becca.”
    • “Mr. Thomas of Clynarthen, having refused to join them, had his wheat-field entirely destroyed before morning, by their turning cattle from the mountain into it that night.”
    • “[T]he farmyard of Mr. Howell Davies, a respectable farmer living in the village of Conwil, and an Anti-Rebeccaite, was set on fire. With the assistance of the neighbours the fire was ultimately got under, but not until two ricks of hay and three stacks of corn or straw had become a prey to the devouring element.”
  • During the tax strike in a French wine region, “there have been threats to burn the property of those mayors failing to resign and of those taxpayers who satisfy the taxgatherers’ demand.” And “committees have been nominated to see individuals who have not undertaken not to pay taxes.”
  • In Ghana in , a meeting of rebellious groups “swore not to let the grandees go to the fort nor pay any tax, even if the government should fight with them, and to make war with any party breaking the agreement.” At one point, making good on this threat, “[a] stir was made by some ruffians when they perceived the chiefs of Christiansborg were on the point of giving in, upon which the whole assembly, amounting to over 4000 men, at once took up arms to [threaten to] attack the merchants.”
  • A report on the Beit Sahour tax resistance movement said of businesses in the town that “if they paid, they undermined the resistance movement, [and] were harassed and threatened by intifada leaders.”

Other descriptions are more vague, and may or may not imply violent threats:

  • In the French revolution, “[i]f a docile taxpayer happens to be found, he is not allowed to pay the dues; this seems a defection and almost treachery.”
  • During the Irish Tithe War, “the public opinion of Ireland was dead against the payment of tithes. That public opinion hinted pretty plainly to those who were willing, for peace and quietness, to pay tithes to their Protestant masters, that such payment would not necessarily secure to them peace and quietness.” A meeting of Kilkenny farmers passed a resolution saying that, “we consider the man that pays tithes (unless he be a Protestant) an enemy to his neighbour, an enemy to his country, an enemy to his religion, and an enemy to his God.”

Some tax resistance campaigns have tried to partially or completely secede from the government that is taxing them, or to set up alternative parallel governmental or quasi-governmental institutions to compete with or crowd out those of the established government.

  • When white supremacists in Louisiana lost the gubernatorial election to a reconstructionist candidate in 1872, they formed their own parallel government led by the losing candidate, with their own separate legislature and their own separate militia (with which they briefly occupied the statehouse). They insisted that they were the legitimate government of Louisiana and recommended that people pay taxes to them and not to the usurpers in the statehouse. They asserted:

    Public opinion throughout the Union is against the usurpation, and our only danger, if there be any, will come from ourselves. If the people of Louisiana will sanction, by obedience and acquiescence, this Government, they will give it the only validity it can ever acquire. It is only by our own submission that our cause can be defeated. We recommend the people of the several parishes, for the purpose of most effectual resistance to this usurpation, and of mutual aid and defense, to join the People’s League of Louisiana by the formation of Parish councils in correspondence with the Central Council at New-Orleans. We must remember that there can be no de facto government as against a de jure government in a State, and that the only way by which the [governor] Kellogg usurpation can become established as a government is by acquiescence of the people… The people of New-Orleans are not to pay taxes, can not, in fact, pay them, nor are they giving any recognition to the usurpers.

    The existence of this shadow government was not only a direct threat to the Kellogg government, but also indirectly made it difficult for it to raise funds because of the uncertainty. One editorialist explained:

    [Kellogg] can borrow no money, for his government is so notoriously illegal that no lender would expect payment. If he should undertake to sell property for taxes, there would be no buyers, because an illegal Government could not give a valid title. Hence he is reduced to the necessity of resorting to bluster and threats.

  • The Rebecca Rioters, confident from their success in destroying tollbooths, started to step in and adjudicate disputes in a quasi-governmental fashion. For instance, they would visit the homes of fathers of illegitimate children and exact promises from them that they would provide support for the mothers.
  • During the tax strike that erupted in the French wine-growing region, local government officials resigned en masse and “local Separatist committees professed to take the Government’s place and set up a sort of provincial government.”
  • The decentralist Liberal Democratic Movement of Carabobo, Venezuela hinted at a tax resistance campaign in . Upset at deteriorating public safety and infrastructure, and alleging that local taxes were being siphoned off to wasteful federal spending and a bloated local bureaucracy, Enio Daza, autonomism director of the Carabobo branch of the party, suggested that locals organize their own, independent tax office, and pay their taxes there where they could exercise local control over the spending.
  • The Zapatista movement in Mexico established municipios autónomos (autonomous towns) in regions where they were active:

    The Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal, and Chol Indians (among others) who lived in the autonomous townships called their political philosophy resistencia: civil resistance to government authority. In the late 1990s there were thirty-eight Zapatista townships in Chiapas, including less than 10 percent of the 700,000 Indians in the state, but with a political impact in the indigenous communities that far outweighed their size.

    The Zapatistas sought not to found a new Indian nation but to make a place for Indian self-determination within the Mexican state. In their townships they kept their own birth and death records, discouraging followers from registering with official bureaucracies. They stopped paying taxes to any government and refused to allow social workers from government health and welfare agencies to set foot inside what they considered their boundaries. They opened their own health clinics staffed by volunteer Mexican and foreign doctors and local herbal healers and organized agricultural and crafts cooperatives that operated mainly through regional barter. In some townships they held trials and set up jails.

  • Some people in the present-day Catalan independence movement have started paying their federal taxes directly to the Catalan regional government rather than to Spain.
  • An ongoing Spanish tax resistance movement is urging people to create a new, bottom-up, autonomous government of their own, and encourages them to redirect their taxes from the existing government into these new government-like projects:

    [T]he construction of autonomy will require a lot of resources. This process should be based on the ability to work and the generosity of many people, but needs to rely on these resources to make it possible.

    By fiscal autonomy we mean all the pathways of redistribution that will make the tax system support initiatives that will really benefit people. That is to say that the portion that each person is responsible of providing for the common good must be destined for new public services that really place the basic needs of people higher on the scale of priorities. Therefore it becomes a priority, and all but essential, to generate dynamics of ever more massive civil disobedience against the pilfering of our resources on the part of the state, and to reclaim them for popular self-government.

  • In the Māori government in New Zealand instructed its subjects there to begin paying a dog tax directly to it, rather than to the New Zealand government-approved County Council.
  • When the Czar dissolved the Russian Duma in , the Duma refused to dissolve, meeting in Finland and declaring that they were the only government body with the authority to collect and spend taxes, and that therefore so long as they were abolished — so were taxes.
  • Something similar happened in Germany in , when the military and executive tried to break up the parliament. The parliament then called on the people to refuse to pay any more taxes to the government. When the government responded by trying to cut off funds for parliament, “the people insisted on making the payment, in spite of this prohibition.”

It may sound like a long shot, but have you considered trying to make friends with the tax collector? It’s a strategy that’s so crazy it just might work!

Here are some examples of where tax resisters or their allies have tried it:

  • The Peacemakers were eventually successful in winning back war tax resisters Ernest and Marion Bromley’s home, which had been seized for back taxes. In a retrospective, they claimed:

    The Peacemakers were resolute that their confrontation with the government would be on their terms. Believing that the legal system is an instrument of oppression and exists to protect the state and the property of the powerful, they refused to take their case into the courts. Instead they worked to make the truth known through personal meetings with IRS officials, through continuous leafletting, through appealing to their supporters country-wide to demand justice.… They put enormous energy into building relationships with IRS officials that would allow for honest dialogue. And always, they challenged and responded to the bureaucracy in a highly personal manner.

    Initially it appeared that IRS’ reversal had been an act of faith in the Peacemakers; that it had been touched by the group’s philosophy of truth and their consistent methods. It wasn’t that complete a victory. The Commissioner had been sufficiently impressed by these people to where he called for a special investigation — which verified the Peacemakers’ statement.

    Dorothy Day wrote of this:

    Chuck Matthei had told me the story of his interviews with the head of the Internal Revenue Service, the almost daily dialogue that went on between them, and the frank and “manly” admission, made finally by the IRS chief, that a mistake had been made, that the Peacemakers had Truth on their side. I felt a great sense of joy and thanksgiving, a sense of hope too, that our officials in Washington D.C. could be approached in this way — with dignity and perseverance, with courtesy, with the recognition that we are all, each one of us, whether government official or radical (one who gets to the roots of things), children of God. We do believe that we are all brothers and sisters. We believe, too, that we can only show our love for God by our love for our brothers and sisters. So we share our joy with you, our readers, and hope we all have a sense of renewed strength and energy to continue our opposition to all violence, to all wars.

Ernest and Marion Bromley pose in front of their home.

  • Quaker Thomas Watson was seized by the American army during the revolution, and condemned “to be stripped and ironed, and on the next afternoon to be publicly hanged” for refusing to take the continental currency that Congress was using to finance the war, his family was given little hope for him. “You may go home,” one petitioner was told, “and rest assured your uncle will be hanged.”

    But the wife of the prisoner had a warm friend in the landlady of the inn at Newtown; and when was woman’s kindness ever invoked for the relief of suffering, or woman’s tact required in vain? She was advised not to apply in person for the release of her husband. The landlady had learned Lord Sterling’s fondness for the creaturely comforts of life; and knew that wine had the effect to soften the severity of his temper. To take advantage of this disposition, she invited him to a sumptuous dinner. He did full justice to the delicacies of the table, and willingly partook of the generous old wine, which had been reserved for special occasions. As the wine warmed the General’s good-nature and disposed him to kindlier feelings, she cautiously introduced the case of the condemned; pitied his condition, cold, and in irons; regarded his treatment as needlessly severe; and at length requested that his fetters might be removed and his clothes restored to him. He could not resist this appeal of his hostess; and a note was sent to the guard in answer to her request.

    The good woman continued her entreaties, and still plied the wine; when, at the proper moment, the wife was introduced. She fell on her knees before him, burst into a flood of tears, and told him who she was, and, with all the earnestness, feeling, and eloquence of a loving wife pleading for the one she loved best on earth, begged him to spare her husband’s life. Her entreaties were of a nature hard to be withstood. He remained some time silent; then, raising her to her feet, he said, “Madam, you have conquered. I must relent at the tears and supplications of so noble and so good a woman as you. Your husband is saved.” He immediately wrote a pardon for the prisoner, and ordered his discharge. The happy pair now returned to their homes rejoicing.

  • Such friendly meetings do not always end well. Quaker Henry Paxson found this out when he was visited by the tax collector some 300 years ago:

    Paxson kindly treats [the tax collector] with best he had, and when he had filled his wem, and drank plentifully of good cider, he distrains the plates he had eaten on, and the tankard he so freely toped out of, but the wife begged the tankard, and bid him take something in lieu of it.

  • In , a delegation of Quakers met with the sheriff, his sub-lieutenants, a judge, magistrates, and a tax collector in their area of Pennsylvania. They reported:

    [We] had opportunity of laying before them the reasons and grounds of our refusal to comply with several requisitions, made for the support of, or that have near connection with, war; and to open our principles, and the consistency thereof with the doctrines of the Gospel, as set forth in the New Testament and pointed out by the prophets, and the inconsistency of Christians oppressing one another for conscience sake.

    They generally appeared friendly, and to receive our visit kindly, some of them particularly so; and most of them acknowledged that the prophecies concerning the disuse of carnal weapons, pointed to the Gospel dispensation, and was much to be desired.

    We had good satisfaction in the performance of this service, believing truth owned it, and that there is encouragement for Friends to use further endeavors of this kind.

  • The Rebecca Rioters could be cruel, or even deadly, to the keepers of the toll gates they were destroying. More frequently, they would allow the keepers a few moments to collect their personal belongings and remove them from the building before they demolished it. And on some occasions, the encounters were almost cordial:

    The gate-keeper begged of them not to destroy the furniture, as it was his own; and his wife and child were in bed, but they might do as they liked with the gate and toll-house. Rebecca went to the door, and ordered her [Rebecca’s] daughters not to touch anything but the gate and the roof of the toll-house, and not to break the ceiling for fear the rain would harm the woman and child in bed. In their hurry, however, to unroof the house, one of them slipped between the rafters, and his foot got through the ceiling. Rebecca expressed her sorrow at the accident, as it might cause inconvenience to the gate-keeper.

    They behaved remarkably well to the gate-keeper, and frequently desired him and his wife not to be alarmed, as they would not injure them in the least; but at parting Rebecca desired him not to exact tolls at that gate any more.

  • There was no more persistent foe of the IRS than Vivien Kellems, but:

    Miss Kellems stresses that she holds no animosity toward the officials who enforce the tax laws. When IRS Commissioner Johnnie M. Walker took office earlier she sent him a note outlining their differences but congratulating him on his appointment. “He sent back a nice thank you note,” she said.

  • During the tax resistance campaign for women’s suffrage in Britain, good relationships between the resisters and the auctioneers who were enlisted to sell off their goods for taxes allowed them to better use these auctions as rally and propaganda opportunities. On one occasion:

    …the auctioneer opened the proceedings by declaring himself a convinced Suffragist, which attitude of mind he attributed largely to a constant contact with women householders in his capacity as tax collector.

    When Kate Raleigh’s property was seized by the tax collector:

    Miss Raleigh naturally made use of the occasion for propaganda purposes, conversing with the tax collector for some time on the subject of Woman Suffrage, and presenting him with Suffrage literature, which he accepted. Before taking his leave he expressed himself as, on the whole, in favour of women’s claims to enfranchisement.

  • The movement against Thatcher’s Poll Tax initially tried to reach out to the councils who were responsible for setting the budgets that implemented the tax, and to the labor union representing the tax collectors who would be enforcing it, to ask them not to cooperate. However, this met with very little success.
  • War tax resister Robin Harper met with a tax auditor and a “frivolous tax coordinator” at an IRS office in . He described how it went:

    I quickly assured them that an accurate accounting should of course be established, but that in no way could I alter my refusal to deliver my tax dollars into the U.S. military machine. Earlier I had described how my Conscientious Objection was rooted in our Quaker Peace Testimony and how I had performed two years of civilian alternative service with a self-help housing project during the Korean War.

    With his defensive posture evaporating, Mr. Means [the “frivolous tax coordinator”] told us that his father fought in the Korean War and came home tormented by post traumatic stress disorder. Thereafter he would have nothing more to do with guns, “because he had seen what guns can do.” That gave my supporter, who had lived through World War Two in Germany, an opening. Drawing a parallel with my war tax refusal, she pointed out how German income taxes funded the governmental atrocities of the Third Reich.

    At one point, when I was describing how the International Center has been installing solar water purification units in Central American villages, Mr. Means broadened our discussion, noting that the scarcity of safe water is becoming a global problem. In my followup letter to our interview, I sent him a copy of an eye-opening article from the Resist newsletter discussing this issue in depth.

    Near the end I took the opportunity to unfurl the large chart which chronicles my war tax redirection these past forty-one years and to describe how I was first propelled into war tax protest by U.S. nuclear atmospheric bomb testing in Nevada and the Pacific.

    After more than three hours (and well past normal lunchtime), the two finally closed the interview with smiles and friendly handshakes. Mr. Means even admitted that his title of “Frivolous Tax Coordinator” was really a substitute for “Tax Protester Coordinator,” an internal administrative category which Congress had abolished in recent Taxpayer Bill of Rights legislation.

    Despite their training to be suspicious (all taxpayers are trying to get away with something), IRS folk, like all human beings, can be positively affected by openness, honesty and sincerity. Transparency can often trump suspicion.

    I have learned how we all hunger for caring, person-to-person exchanges. Look how a one hour audit stretched into more than three hours, much of which involved genuine sharing far beyond the scope of the audit!

    As our discussion rose above tax details, Mr. Means, the tax protester “sheriff,” was led to cast aside some of his official person and let his personal feelings and thoughts come through. He also became increasingly interested in discerning what makes war tax refusers tick. I am sure he came to understand that our witness is anything but “frivolous.”


A tactic that I’ve encountered on many occasions in my research into tax resistance campaigns is that of disrupting government auctions of goods, particularly those of seized from tax resisters. Here are several examples that show the variety of ways campaigns have accomplished this:

Religious nonconformists in the United Kingdom

Education Act-related resistance

Some disruption of auctions took place during the tax resistance in protest of the provisions of the Education Act that provided taxpayer money for sectarian education . The Westminster Gazette reported:

There was some feeling displayed at a sale of the goods of Passive Resisters at Colchester yesterday, the Rev. T. Batty, a Baptist minister, and the Rev. Pierrepont Edwards, locally, known as “the fighting parson,” entering into discussion in the auction room, but being stopped by the auctioneer, who said he did his work during the week and he hoped they did theirs on Sundays. At Long Eaton the goods of twenty-three Passive Resisters were sold amid demonstrations of hostility to the auctioneer. A boy was arrested for throwing a bag of flour.

The New York Times reported that “Auctioneers frequently decline to sell goods upon which distraints have been levied.” And the San Francisco Chronicle noted:

Difficulty is experienced everywhere in getting auctioneers to sell the property confiscated. In Leominster, a ram and some ewe lambs, the property of a resistant named Charles Grundy, were seized and put up at auction, as follows: Ram, Joe Chamberlain; ewes, Lady Balfour, Mrs. Bishop, Lady Cecil, Mrs. Canterbury and so on through the list of those who made themselves conspicuous in forcing the bill through Parliament. The auctioneer was entitled to a fee under the law of 10 shillings and 6 pence, which he promptly turned over to Mr. Grundy, having during the sale expressed the strongest sympathy for the tax-resisters. Most of the auction sales are converted into political meetings in which the tax and those responsible for it are roundly denounced.

Edinburgh Annuity Tax resistance

Auction disruptions were commonplace in the Annuity Tax resistance campaign in Edinburgh. By law the distraint auctions (“roupings”) had to be held at the Mercat Cross — the town square, essentially — which made it easy to gather a crowd; or sometimes in the homes of the resisters. Tait’s Edinburgh Magazine reported of one of the Mercat Cross roupings:

If any of our readers know that scene, let them imagine, after the resistance was tolerably well organized, an unfortunate auctioneer arriving at the Cross about noon, with a cart loaded with furniture for sale. Latterly the passive hubbub rose as if by magic. Bells sounded, bagpipes brayed, the Fiery Cross passed down the closses, and through the High Street and Cowgate; and men, women, and children, rushed from all points towards the scene of Passive Resistance. The tax had grinded the faces of the poor, and the poor were, no doubt, the bitterest in indignation. Irish, Highlanders, Lowlanders, were united by the bond of a common suffering. Respectable shopkeepers might be seen coming in haste from the Bridges; Irish traders flew from St. Mary’s Wynd; brokers from the Cowgate; all pressing round the miserable auctioneer; yelling, hooting, perhaps cursing, certainly saying anything but what was affectionate or respectful of the clergy. And here were the black placards tossing above the heads of the angry multitude — ROUPING FOR STIPEND! This notice was of itself enough to deter any one from purchasing; though we will say it for the good spirit of the people, that both the Scotch and Irish brokers disdained to take bargains of their suffering neighbours’ goods. Of late months, no auctioneer would venture to the Cross to roup for stipend. What human being has nerve enough to bear up against the scorn, hatred, and execration of his fellow-creatures, expressed in a cause he himself must feel just? The people lodged the placards and flags in shops about the Cross, so that not a moment was lost in having their machinery in full operation, and scouts were ever ready to spread the intelligence if any symptoms of a sale were discovered.

Sheriff Clerk Kenmure Maitland appeared before a committee that was investigating the resistance campaign. He mentioned that “Mr. Whitten, the auctioneer for sheriff’s sales, was so much inconvenienced and intimidated that he refused to take any more of those sales.”

Q: What was Mr. Whitten’s express reason for declining to act as auctioneer?

A: He was very much inconvenienced on that occasion, and he believed that his general business connection would suffer by undertaking these sales, and that he would lose the support of any customer who was of that party.

Q: It was not from any fear of personal violence?

A: That might have had a good deal to do with it.

Q: Was Mr. Whitten the only auctioneer who declined?

A: No. After Mr. Whitten’s refusal I applied to Mr. Hogg, whose services I should have been glad to have obtained, and he said he would let me know the next day if he would undertake to act as auctioneer; he wrote to me the next day saying, that, after consideration with his friends, he declined to act.

Q: Any other?

A: I do not remember asking any others. The rates of remuneration for acting as auctioneer at sheriffs’ sales are so low that men having a better class of business will not act. I had to look about among not first-class auctioneers, and I found that I would have some difficulty in getting a man whom I could depend upon, for I had reason to believe that influence would be used to induce the auctioneer to fail me at the last moment.

It was difficult for the authorities to get any help at all, either from auctioneers, furniture dealers, or carters. The government had to purchase (and fortify) their own cart because they were unable to rent one for such use.

Here is an example of an auction of a resister’s goods held at the resister’s home, as described in the testimony of Thomas Menzies:

A: I saw a large number of the most respectable citizens assembled in the house, and a large number outside awaiting the arrival of the officers who came in a cab, and the indignation was very strong when they got into the house, so much so that a feeling was entertained by some that there was danger to the life of Mr. Whitten, the auctioneer, and that he might be thrown out of the window, because there were such threats, but others soothed down the feeling.

Q: There was no overt act or breach of the peace?

A: No. The cabman who brought the officers, seeing they were engaged in such a disagreeable duty, took his cab away, and they had some difficulty in procuring another, and they went away round by a back street, rather than go by the direct way.

Q: Did Mr. Whitten, from his experience on that occasion, refuse ever to come to another sale as auctioneer?

A: He refused to act again, he gave up his position.

He then described a second such auction:

A: The house was densely packed; it was impossible for me to get entrance; the stair was densely packed to the third and second flats; when the policemen came with the officers, they could not force their way up, except with great difficulty. The consequence was, that nearly the whole of the rail of the upper storey gave way to the great danger both of the officers and the public, and one young man I saw thrown over the heads of the crowd to the great danger of being precipitated three storeys down. Then the parties came out of the house, with their clothes dishevelled and severely handled; and the officer on that occasion will tell you that he was very severely dealt with indeed, and Mr. Sheriff Gordon was sent for, so much alarm being felt; but by the time the Sheriff arrived things were considerably subdued.

Sheriff Clerk Maitland also described this auction:

I found a considerable crowd outside; and on going up to the premises on the top flat, I found that I could not get entrance to the house; the house was packed with people, who on our approach kept hooting and shouting out, and jeering us; and, as far as I could see, the shutters were shut and the windows draped in black, and all the rooms crowded with people. I said that it was necessary to carry out the sale, and they told me to come in, if I dare.

On another occasion, as he tells it, the auction seemed to go smoothly at first, but the buyers didn’t get what they hoped for:

At Mr. McLaren’s sale everything was conducted in an orderly way as far as the sale was concerned. We got in, and only a limited number were allowed to go in; but after the officials and the police had gone, there was a certain amount of disturbance. Certain goods were knocked down to the poinding creditors, consisting of an old sofa and an old sideboard, and Mr. McLaren said, “Let those things go to the clergy.” Those were the only things which had to be taken away. There was no vehicle ready to carry them away. Mr. McLaren said that he would not keep them. After the police departed, he turned them out in the street, when they were taken possession of by the crowd of idlers, and made a bonfire of.

A summary of the effect of all of this disruption reads:

So strong was the feeling of hostility, that the town council were unable to procure the services of any auctioneer to sell the effects of those who conscientiously objected to pay the clerical portion of the police taxes, and they were consequently forced to make a special arrangement with a sheriff’s officer, by which, to induce him to undertake the disagreeable task, they provided him for two years with an auctioneer’s license from the police funds. In , it was found necessary to enter into another arrangement with the officer, by which the council had to pay him 12½ percent, on all arrears, including the police, prison, and registration rates, as well as the clerical tax; and he receives this per-centage whether the sums are recovered by himself or paid direct to the police collector, and that over and above all the expenses he recovers from the recusants. But this is not all; the council were unable to hire a cart or vehicle from any of the citizens, and it was found necessary to purchase a lorry, and to provide all the necessary apparatus and assistance for enforcing payment of the arrears. All this machinery, which owes its existence entirely to the Clerico-Police Act, involves a wasteful expenditure of city funds, induces a chronic state of irritation in the minds of the citizens, and is felt to be a gross violation of the principles of civil and religious liberty.

The Tithe War

William John Fitzpatrick wrote of the auctions during the Tithe War:

[T]he parson’s first step was to put the cattle up to auction in the presence of a regiment of English soldiery; but it almost invariably happened that either the assembled spectators were afraid to bid, lest they should incur the vengeance of the peasantry, or else they stammered out such a low offer, that, when knocked down, the expenses of the sale would be found to exceed it. The same observation applies to the crops. Not one man in a hundred had the hardihood to declare himself the purchaser. Sometimes the parson, disgusted at the backwardness of bidders, and trying to remove it, would order the cattle twelve or twenty miles away in order to their being a second time put up for auction. But the locomotive progress of the beasts was always closely tracked, and means were taken to prevent either driver or beast receiving shelter or sustenance throughout the march.

The Sentinel wrote of one auction:

Yesterday being the day on which the sheriff announced that, if no bidders could be obtained for the cattle, he would have the property returned to Mr. Germain, immense crowds were collected from the neighbouring counties — upwards of 20,000 men. The County Kildare men, amounting to about 7000, entered, led by Jonas Duckett, Esq., in the most regular and orderly manner. This body was preceded by a band of music, and had several banners on which were “Kilkea and Moone, Independence for ever,” “No Church Tax,” “No Tithe,” “Liberty,” &c. The whole body followed six carts, which were prepared in the English style — each drawn by two horses. The rear was brought up by several respectable landholders of Kildare. The barrack-gates were thrown open, and different detachments of infantry took their stations right and left, while the cavalry, after performing sundry evolutions, occupied the passes leading to the place of sale. The cattle were ordered out, when the sheriff, as on the former day, put them up for sale; but no one could be found to bid for the cattle, upon which he announced his intention of returning them to Mr. Germain. The news was instantly conveyed, like electricity, throughout the entire meeting, when the huzzas of the people surpassed anything we ever witnessed. The cattle were instantly liberated and given up to Mr. Germain. At this period a company of grenadiers arrived, in double-quick time, after travelling from Castlecomer, both officers and men fatigued and covered with dust. Thus terminated this extraordinary contest between the Church and the people, the latter having obtained, by their steadiness, a complete victory. The cattle will be given to the poor of the sundry districts.

Similar examples were reported in the foreign press:

A most extraordinary scene has been exhibited in this city. Some cows seized for tithes were brought to a public place for sale, escorted by a squadron of lancers, and followed by thousands of infuriated people. All the garrison, cavalry and infantry, under the command of Sir George Bingham, were called out. The cattle were set up at three pounds for each, no bidder; two pounds, no bidder; one pound, no bidder; in short, the auctioneer descended to three shillings for each cow, but no purchaser appeared. This scene lasted for above an hour, when there being no chance of making sale of the cattle, it was proposed to adjourn the auction; but, as we are informed, the General in command of the military expressed an unwillingness to have the troops subjected to a repetition of the harassing duty thus imposed on them. After a short delay, it was, at the interference and remonstrance of several gentlemen, both of town and country, agreed upon that the cattle should be given up to the people, subject to certain private arrangements. We never witnessed such a scene; thousands of country people jumping with exulted feelings at the result, wielding their shillelaghs, and exhibiting all the other symptoms of exuberant joy characteristic of the buoyancy of Irish feeling.

At Carlow a triumphant resistance to the laws, similar to that which occurred at Cork, has been exhibited in the presence of the authorities and the military. Some cattle had been seized for tithe, and a public sale announced, when a large body of men, stated at 50,000, marched to the place appointed, and, of course, under the influence of such terror, none were found to bid for the cattle. The sale was adjourned from day to day, for seven days, and upon each day the same organised bands entered the town, and rendered the attempt to sell the cattle, in pursuance of the law, abortive. At last the cattle are given up to the mob, crowned with laurels, and driven home with an escort of 10,000 men.

In a somewhat later case, a Catholic priest in Blarney by the name of Peyton refused to pay his income tax on the grounds that the law treated him in an inferior way to his Protestant counterparts. His horse was seized and sold at auction, where “the multitude assembled hissed, hooted, hustled, and otherwise impeded the proceedings.”

Irish factions

In , a Sinn Fein leader told a reporter that the group was pondering a tax strike, and predicted that “No Irish auctioneer would consent to act at [distraint] sales. Auctioneers would have to be imported from England. So would purchaser. Then Irish laborers would refuse to move the sold goods to the wharves and Irish sailors would refuse to carry it on their ships. England soon would find herself without the millions of pounds sterling that she now squeezes out of Ireland.”

There was precedent for this. During the Tithe War period and thereafter, the authorities had to go to extraordinary lengths to auction off seized goods. As one account put it:

In Ireland we pay — the whole people of the empire pay — troops who march up from the country to Dublin, fifty or sixty miles, as escorts of the parson-pounded pigs and cattle, which passive resistance prevents from being sold or bought at home; and we also maintain barracks in that country which not only lodge the parsons’ military guards, but afford, of late, convenient resting-places in their journey to the poor people’s cattle, whom the soldiers are driving to sale; and which would otherwise be rescued on the road.

The women’s suffrage movement in the United Kingdom

The tax resisters in the women’s suffrage movement in Britain were particularly adept in disrupting tax auctions and in making them opportunities for propaganda and protest. Here are several examples, largely as reported in the movement newsletter called The Vote:

  • “On a sale was held… of jewellery seized in distraint for income-tax… Members of the W.F.L. and Mrs. [Edith] How Martyn (Hon. Sec.) assembled to protest against the proceedings, and the usual policeman kept a dreary vigil at the open door. The day had been specially chosen by the authorities, who wished to prevent a demonstration…”
  • “The sale of Mrs. Cleeves’ dog-cart took place at the Bush Hotel, Sketty, on afternoon. The W.F.L. held their protest meeting outside — much to the discomfort of the auctioneer, who declared the impossibility of ‘drowning the voice outside.’ ”
  • “Notwithstanding the mud and odoriferous atmosphere of the back streets off Drury-lane, quite a large number of members of the Tax Resisters’ League, the Women’s Freedom League, and the Women’s Social and Political Union, met outside Bulloch’s Sale Rooms shortly after to protest against the sale of Miss Bertha Brewster’s goods, which had been seized because of her refusal to pay her Imperial taxes. Before the sale took place, Mrs. Gatty, as chairman, explained to at least a hundred people the reasons of Miss Brewster’s refusal to pay her taxes and the importance of the constitutional principle that taxation without representation is tyranny, which this refusal stood for. Miss Leonora Tyson proposed the resolution protesting against the injustice of this sale, and it was seconded by Miss F[lorence]. A. Underwood, and supported by Miss Brackenbury. The resolution was carried with only two dissentients, and these dissentients were women!”
  • “The goods seized were sold at the public auction room. Before selling them the auctioneer allowed Mrs. How Martyn to make a short explanatory speech, and he himself added that it was an unpleasant duty he had to perform.”
  • “A scene which was probably never equalled in the whole of its history took place at the Oxenham Auction Rooms, Oxford-street, on . About a fortnight before the bailiffs had entered Mrs. Despard’s residence in Nine Elms and seized goods which they valued at £15. Our President, for some years past, as is well known, has refused to pay her income-tax and inhabited house duty on the grounds that taxation and representation should go together; and this is the third time her goods have been seized for distraint. It was not until the day before —  — that Mrs. Despard was informed of the time and place where her furniture was to be sold. In spite of this short notice — which we learn on good authority to be illegal — a large crowd composed not only of our own members but also of women and men from various Suffrage societies gathered together at the place specified in the notice. ¶ When ‘Lot 325’ was called Mrs. Despard mounted a chair, and said, ‘I rise to protest, in the strongest, in the most emphatic way of which I am capable, against these iniquities, which are perpetually being perpetrated in the name of the law. I should like to say I have served my country in various capacities, but I am shut out altogether from citizenship. I think special obloquy has been put upon me in this matter. It was well known that I should not run away and that I should not take my goods away, but the authorities sent a man in possession. He remained in the house — a household of women — at night. I only heard of this sale, and from a man who knows that of which he is speaking, I know that this sale is illegal. I now claim the law — the law that is supposed to be for women as well as men.’ ”
  • “[A] most successful protest against taxation without representation was made by Mrs. Muir, of Broadstairs, whose goods were sold at the Auction Rooms, 120, High-street, Margate. The protest was conducted by Mrs. [Emily] Juson Kerr; and Miss Ethel Fennings, of the W.F.L., went down to speak. The auctioneer, Mr. Holness, was most courteous, and not only allowed Mrs. Muir to explain in a few words why she resisted taxation, but also gave permission to hold meeting in his rooms after the sale was over.”
  • “One of the most successful and effective Suffrage demonstrations ever held in St. Leonards was that arranged jointly by the Women’s Tax Resistance League and the Hastings and St. Leonards Women’s Suffrage Propaganda League, on , on the occasion of the sale of some family silver which had been seized at the residence of Mrs. [Isabella] Darent Harrison for non-payment of Inhabited House Duty. Certainly the most striking feature of this protest was the fact that members of all societies in Hastings, St. Leonards, Bexhill and Winchelsea united in their effort to render the protest representative of all shades of Suffrage opinion. Flags, banners, pennons and regalia of many societies were seen in the procession.… The hearty response from the men to Mrs. [Margaret] Kineton Parkes’s call for ‘three cheers for Mrs. Darent Harrison’ at the close of the proceedings in the auction room, came as a surprise to the Suffragists themselves.”
  • “On , the last item on the catalogue of Messrs. Whiteley’s weekly sale in Westbourne-grove was household silver seized in distraint for King’s taxes from Miss Gertrude Eaton, of Kensington. Miss Eaton is a lady very well known in the musical world and interested in social reforms, and hon. secretary of the Prison Reform Committee. Miss Eaton said a few dignified words of protest in the auction room, and Mrs. [Anne] Cobden Saunderson explained to the large crowd of bidders the reason why tax-paying women, believing as they do that taxation without representation is tyranny, feel that they cannot, by remaining inactive, any longer subscribe to it. A procession then formed up and a protest meeting was held…”
  • “At the offices of the collector of Government taxes, Westborough, on a silver cream jug and sugar basin were sold. These were the property of Dr. Marion McKenzie, who had refused payment of taxes to support her claim on behalf of women’s suffrage. A party of suffragettes marched to the collector’s office, which proved far too small to accommodate them all. Mr. Parnell said he regretted personally having the duty to perform. He believed that ultimately the women would get the vote. They had the municipal vote and he maintained that women who paid rates and taxes should be allowed to vote. (Applause.) But that was his own personal view. He would have been delighted not to have had that process, but he had endeavoured to keep the costs down. Dr. Marion McKenzie thanked Mr. Parnell for the courtesy shown them. A protest meeting was afterwards held on St. Nicholas Cliff.”
  • “Mrs. [Anne] Cobden-Sanderson, representing the Women’s Tax Resistance League, was, by courtesy of the auctioneer, allowed to explain the reason of the protest. Judging by the applause with which her remarks were received, most of those present were in sympathy.”
  • “The auctioneer was entirely in sympathy with the protest, and explained the circumstances under which the sale took place. He courteously allowed Mrs. [Anne] Cobden Sanderson and Mrs. [Emily] Juson Kerr to put clearly the women’s point of view; Miss Raleigh made a warm appeal for true freedom. A procession was formed and an open-air meeting subsequently held.”
  • “The auctioneer, who is in sympathy with the suffragists, refused to take commission.”
  • “[A] crowd of Suffragists of all shades of opinion assembled at Hawking’s Sale Rooms, Lisson-grove, Marylebone, to support Dr. Frances Ede and Dr. Amy Sheppard, whose goods were to be sold by public auction for tax resistance. By the courtesy of the auctioneer, Mr. Hawking, speeches were allowed, and Dr. Ede emphasized her conscientious objection to supporting taxation without representation; she said that women like herself and her partner felt that they must make this logical and dignified protest, but as it caused very considerable inconvenience and sacrifice to professional women, she trusted that the grave injustice would speedily be remedied. Three cheers were given for the doctors, and a procession with banners marched to Marble Arch, where a brief meeting was held in Hyde Park, at which the usual resolution was passed unanimously.”
  • “An interesting sequel to the seizure of Mrs. Tollemache’s goods last week, and the ejection of the bailiff from her residence, Batheaston Villa, Bath, was the sale held , at the White Hart Hotel. To cover a tax of only £15 and costs, goods were seized to the value of about £80, and it was at once decided by the Women’s Tax Resistance League and Mrs. Tollemache’s friends that such conduct on the part of the authorities must be circumvented and exposed. The goods were on view the morning of the sale, and as there was much valuable old china, silver, and furniture, the dealers were early on the spot, and buzzing like flies around the articles they greatly desired to possess. The first two pieces put up were, fortunately, quite inviting; £19 being bid for a chest of drawers worth about 50s. and £3 for an ordinary leather-top table, the requisite amount was realised, and the auctioneer was obliged to withdraw the remaining lots much to the disgust of the assembled dealers. Mrs. [Margaret] Kineton Parkes, in her speech at the protest meeting, which followed the sale, explained to these irate gentlemen that women never took such steps unless compelled to do so, and that if the tax collector had seized a legitimate amount of goods to satisfy his claim, Mrs. Tollemache would willingly have allowed them to go.”
  • “Under the auspices of the Tax Resistance League and the Women’s Freedom League a protest meeting was held at Great Marlow on , on the occasion of the sale of plate and jewellery belonging to Mrs. [Mary] Sargent Florence, the well-known artist, and to Miss Hayes, daughter of Admiral Hayes. Their property had been seized for the non-payment of Imperial taxes, and through the courtesy of the tax-collector every facility was afforded to the protesters to explain their action.”
  • “At the sale of a silver salver belonging to Dr. Winifred Patch, of Highbury, Steen’s Auction Rooms, Drayton Park, were crowded on by members of the Women’s Freedom League, the Women’s Tax Resistance League, and other Suffrage societies. The auctioneer refused to allow the usual five minutes for explanation before the sale, but Miss Alison Neilans, of the Women’s Freedom League, was well supported and cheered when she insisted on making clear the reasons why Dr. Patch for several years has refused to pay taxes while deprived of a vote. A procession was then formed, and marched to Highbury Corner, where a large open-air meeting was presided over by Mrs. [Marianne] Clarendon Hyde, of the Women’s Freedom League, and addressed by Mrs. Merrivale Mayer.”
  • “Practically every day sees a sale and protest somewhere, and the banners of the Women’s Tax Resistance League, frequently supported by Suffrage Societies, are becoming familiar in town and country. At the protest meetings which follow all sales the reason why is explained to large numbers of people who would not attend a suffrage meeting. Auctioneers are becoming sympathetic even so far as to speak in support of the women’s protest against a law which demands their money, but gives them no voice in the way in which it is spent.”
  • “The sale was conducted, laughably enough, under the auspices of the Women’s Freedom League and the Women’s Tax Resistance League; for, on obtaining entrance to the hall, Miss Anderson and Mrs. Fisher bedecked it with all the insignia of suffrage protest. The rostrum was spread with our flag proclaiming the inauguration of Tax Resistance by the W.F.L.; above the auctioneer’s head hung Mrs. [Charlotte] Despard’s embroidered silk banner, with its challenge “Dare to be Free”; on every side the green, white and gold of the W.F.L. was accompanied by the brown and black of the Women’s Tax Resistance League, with its cheery ‘No Vote, no Tax’ injunctions and its John Hampden maxims; while in the front rows, besides Miss Anderson, the heroine of the day, Mrs. Snow and Mrs. Fisher, were seen the inspiring figures of our President and Mrs. [Anne] Cobden Sanderson, vice-president of the W.T.R.L.
  • “…all Women’s Freedom League members who know anything of the way in which the sister society organises these matters should attend the sale in the certainty of enjoying a really telling demonstration…”
  • “From early in the day Mrs. Huntsman and a noble band of sandwich-women had paraded the town announcing the sale and distributing leaflets. In the afternoon a contingent of the Tax Resistance League arrived with the John Hampden banner and the brown and black pennons and flags. These marched through the town and market square before entering the hall in which the sale and meeting were to be held, and which was decorated with the flags and colours of the Women’s Freedom League. Mr. Croome, the King’s officer, conducted the sale in person, the goods sold being a quantity of table silver, a silver toilette set, and one or two other articles. The prices fetched were trifling, Mrs. Harvey desiring that no one should buy the goods in for her.”
  • “Miss Andrews asked the auctioneer if she might explain the reason for the sale of the waggon, and, having received the necessary permission was able to give an address on tax resistance, and to show how it is one of the weapons employed by the Freedom League to secure the enfranchisement of women. Then came the sale — but beforehand the auctioneer said he had not been aware he was to sell ‘distressed’ goods, and he very much objected to doing so.… The meeting and the auctioneer together made the assembly chary of bidding, and the waggon was not sold, which was a great triumph for the tax-resisters.… Miss Trott and Miss Bobby helped to advertise the meeting by carrying placards round the crowded market.”
  • “There was a crowded audience, and the auctioneer opened the proceedings by declaring himself a convinced Suffragist, which attitude of mind he attributed largely to a constant contact with women householders in his capacity as tax collector. After the sale a public meeting was held… At the close of the meeting many questions were asked, new members joined the League…”
  • The authorities tried to auction off Kate Harvey’s goods on-site, at her home, rather than in a public hall, so that they might avoid demonstrations of that sort. “On morning a band of Suffragist men carried placards through the streets of Bromley, on which was the device, ‘I personally protest against the sale of a woman’s goods to pay taxes over which she has no control,’ and long before , the time fixed for the sale, from North, South, East and West, people came streaming into the little town of Bromley, and made their way towards ‘Brackenhill.’ Punctually at the tax-collector and his deputy mounted the table in the dining-room, and the former, more in sorrow than in anger, began to explain to the crowd assembled that this was a genuine sale! Mrs. Harvey at once protested against the sale taking place. Simply and solely because she was a woman, although she was a mother, a business woman, and a tax-payer, she had no voice in saying how the taxes collected from her should be spent. The tax collector suffered this speech in silence, but he could judge by the cheers it received that there were many ardent sympathisers with Mrs. Harvey in her protest. He tried to proceed, but one after another the men present loudly urged that no one there should bid for the goods. The tax-collector feebly said this wasn’t a political meeting, but a genuine sale! ‘One penny for your goods then!’ was the derisive answer. ‘One penny — one penny!’ was the continued cry from both inside and outside ‘Brackenhill.’ Then men protested that the tax-collector was not a genuine auctioneer; he had no hammer, no list of goods to be sold was hung up in the room. There was no catalogue, nothing to show bidders what was to be sold and what wasn’t. The men also objected to the presence of the tax-collector’s deputy. ‘Tell him to get down!’ they shouted. ‘The sale shan’t proceed till he does,’ they yelled. ‘Get down! Get down:’ they sang. But the tax-collector felt safer by the support of this deputy. ‘He’s afraid of his own clerk,’ they jeered. Again the tax-collector asked for bids. ‘One penny! One penny!’ was the deafening response. The din increased every moment and pandemonium reigned supreme. During a temporary lull the tax-collector said a sideboard had been sold for nine guineas. Angry cries from angry men greeted this announcement. ‘Illegal sale!’ ‘He shan’t take it home!’ ‘The whole thing’s illegal!’ ‘You shan’t sell anything else!’ and The Daily Herald Leaguers, members of the Men’s Political Union, and of other men’s societies, proceeded to make more noise than twenty brass bands. Darkness was quickly settling in; the tax-collector looked helpless, and his deputy smiled wearily. ‘Talk about a comic opera — it’s better than Gilbert and Sullivan could manage,’ roared an enthusiast. ‘My word, you look sick, guv’nor! Give it up, man!’ Then everyone shouted against the other until the tax-collector said he closed the sale, remarking plaintively that he had lost £7 over the job! Ironical cheers greeted this news, with ‘Serve you right for stealing a woman’s goods!’ He turned his back on his tormentors, and sat down in a chair on the table to think things over. The protesters sat on the sideboard informing all and sundry that if anyone wanted to take away the sideboard he should take them with it! With the exit of the tax-collector, his deputy and the bailiff, things gradually grew quieter, and later on Mrs. Harvey entertained her supporters to tea at the Bell Hotel. But the curious thing is, a man paid nine guineas for the sideboard to the tax-collector. Mrs. Harvey owed him more than £17, and Mrs. Harvey is still in possession of the sideboard!”
  • “The assistant auctioneer, to whom it fell to conduct the sale, was most unfriendly, and refused to allow any speaking during the sale; but Miss Boyle was able to shout through a window at his back, just over his shoulder, an announcement that the goods were seized because Miss Cummins refused to submit to taxation without representation, after which quite a number of people who were attending the sale came out to listen to the speeches.”
  • “The auctioneer was very sympathetic, and allowed Miss [Anna] Munro to make a short speech before the waggon was sold. He then spoke a few friendly words for the Woman’s Movement. After the sale a meeting was held, and Mrs. Tippett and Miss Munro were listened to with evident interest by a large number of men. The Vote and other Suffrage literature was sold.”
  • “A joint demonstration of the Tax Resisters’ League and militant suffragettes, held here [Hastings] as a protest against the sale of the belongings of those who refused to pay taxes, was broken up by a mob. The women were roughly handled and half smothered with soot. Their banners were smashed. The police finally succeeded in getting the women into a blacksmith’s shop, where they held the mob at bay until the arrival of reinforcements. The women were then escorted to a railway station.”
  • “The auction sale of the Duchess of Bedford’s silver cup proved, perhaps, the best advertisement the Women’s Tax Resistance League ever had. It was made the occasion for widespread propaganda. The newspapers gave columns of space to the event, while at the big mass meeting, held outside the auction room…”
  • “When a member is to be sold up a number of her comrades accompany her to the auction-room. The auctioneer is usually friendly and stays the proceedings until some one of the league has mounted the table and explained to the crowd what it all means. Here are the banners, and the room full of women carrying them, and it does not take long to impress upon the mind of the people who have come to attend the sale that here is a body of women willing to sacrifice their property for the principle for which John Hampden went to prison — that taxation without representation is tyranny. … The women remain at these auctions until the property of the offender is disposed of. The kindly auctioneer puts the property seized from the suffragists early on his list, or lets them know when it will be called.”

American war tax resisters

There have been a few celebrated auction sales in the American war tax resistance movement. Some of them have been met with protests or used as occasions for outreach and propaganda, but others have been more actively interfered with.

When Ernest and Marion Bromley’s home was seized, for example, there were “months of continuous picketing and leafletting” before the sale. Then:

The day began with a silent vigil initiated by the local Quaker group. While the bids were being read inside the building, guerrilla theatre took place out on the sidewalk. At one point the Federal building was auctioned (offers ranging from 25¢ to 2 bottle caps). Several supporters present at the proceedings inside made brief statements about the unjust nature of the whole ordeal. Waldo the Clown was also there, face painted sadly, opening envelopes along with the IRS person. As the official read the bids and the names of the bidders, Waldo searched his envelopes and revealed their contents: a flower, a unicorn, some toilet paper, which he handed to different office people. Marion Bromley also spoke as the bids were opened, reiterating that the seizure was based on fraudulent assumptions, and that therefore the property could not be rightfully sold.

The protests, odd as they were, eventually paid off, as the IRS had in the interim been caught improperly pursuing political dissidents, and as a result it decided to reverse the sale of the Bromley home and give up on that particular fight.

When Paul and Addie Snyder’s home was auctioned off for back taxes, it was reported that “many bids of $1 or less were made.”

Making a bid of pennies for farm property being foreclosed for failure to meet mortgages was a common tactic among angry farmers during the Depression. If their bids succeeded, the property was returned to its owner and the mortgage torn up. In some such cases, entire farms plus their livestock, equipment and home furnishings sold for as little as $2.

When George Willoughby’s car was seized and sold by the IRS,

Friends, brandishing balloons, party horns, cookies and lemonade, invaded the IRS office in Chester and bought the car back for $900.

The Rebecca rioters

On a couple of occasions the Rebeccaites prevented auctions, though not of goods seized for tax debts but for ordinary debts. Here are two examples from Henry Tobit Evans’s book on the Rebecca phenomenon:

A distress for rent was levied on the goods of a man named Lloyd… and a bailiff of the name of Rees kept possession of the goods. Previous to the day of sale, Rebecca and a great number of her daughters paid him a visit, horsewhipped him well, and kept him in safe custody until the furniture was entirely cleared from the house. When Rees was freed, he found nothing but an empty house, Rebecca and her followers having departed.

Two bailiffs were there in possession of the goods and chattels under execution… Having entered the house by bursting open the door, Rebecca ran upstairs, followed by some of her daughters. She ordered the bailiffs, who were in bed at the time, to be up and going in five minutes, or to prepare for a good drubbing. The bailiffs promptly obeyed, but were driven forth by a bodyguard of the rioters, who escorted them some distance, pushing and driving the poor men in front of them. At last they were allowed to depart to their homes on a sincere promise of not returning.

Reform Act agitation

During the tax resistance that accompanied the drive to pass the Reform Act in the in the United Kingdom, hundreds of people signed pledges in which they declared that “they will not purchase the goods of their townsmen not represented in Parliament which may be seized for the non-payment of taxes, imposed by any House of Commons as at present constituted.”

The True Sun asserted that

The tax-gatherer… might seize for them, but the brokers assured the inhabitants that they would neither seize any goods for such taxes, nor would they purchase goods so seized. Yesterday afternoon, Mr Philips, a broker, in the Broadway, Westminster, exhibited the following placard at the door of his shop:— “Take notice, that the proprietor of this shop will not distrain for the house and window duties, nor will he purchase any goods that are seized for the said taxes; neither will any of those oppressive taxes be paid for this house in future.” A similar notice was also exhibited at a broker’s shop in York Street, Westminster.

Another newspaper account said:

A sale by auction of goods taken in distress for assessed taxes was announced to take place at Ashton Tavern on , at Birmingham. From forty to fifty persons attended, including some brokers, but no one could be found except the poor woman from whose husband the goods had been seized, and the auctioneer himself. A man came when the sale was nearly over, who was perfectly ignorant of the circumstances under which it took place, and bid for one of the last lots; he soon received an intimation, however, from the company that he had better desist, which be accordingly did. After the sale was over nearly the whole of the persons present surrounded this man, and lectured him severely upon his conduct, and it was only by his solemnly declaring to them that he had bid in perfect ignorance of the nature of the sale that he was suffered to escape without some more substantial proof of their displeasure.

Railroad bond shenanigans

There was an epidemic of fraud in the United States in in which citizens of local jurisdictions were convinced to vote to sell bonds to pay for the Railroad to come to town. The railroad never arrived, but the citizens then were on the hook to tax themselves to pay off the bonds. Many said “hell no,” but by then the bonds had been sold to people who were not necessarily involved in the original swindle but had just bought them as investments.

In the course of the tax resistance campaigns associated with these railroad bond boondoggles, auction disruption was resorted to on some occasions. Here are some examples:

St. Clair [Missouri]’s taxpayers joined the movement in to repudiate the debts, but the county’s new leaders wanted to repay the investors. Afraid to try taxing the residents, they decided to raise the interest by staging a huge livestock auction in , the proceeds to pay off the railroad bond interest. On auction day, however, “no one seemed to want to buy” any animals. To bondholders the “great shock” of the auction’s failure proved the depth of local resistance to railroad taxes.

Another attempt was made the other day to sell farm property in the town of Greenwood, Steuben county [New York], on account of a tax levied for the town bonding in aid of railroads, and another failure has followed. The scene was upon the farm of William Atkins, where 200 of the solid yeomanry of the town had assembled to resist the sale… A Mr. Updyke, with broader hint, made these remarks: “I want to tell you folks that Mr. Atkins has paid all of his tax except this railroad tax; and we consider any man who will buy our property to help John Davis and Sam Alley as contemptible sharks. We shall remember him for years, and will know where he lives.” The tax collector finally rose and remarked that in view of the situation he would not attempt to proceed with the sale.

The White League in Louisiana

In Reconstruction-era Louisiana, white supremacist tax resisters disrupted a tax auction.

There was a mob of fifty or sixty armed men came to prevent the deputy tax-collector effecting a sale, armed with revolvers nearly all. Mr. Fournet came and threatened the deputy and tax-collector. The deputy and tax-collector ran into their offices. I came down and called upon the citizens to clear the court-house, but could not succeed. I then called upon the military, but they had no orders at that time to give me assistance to carry out the law.

Mr. [Valsin A.?] Fournet came with eight or ten. When the deputy tax-collector attempted to make a sale Mr. Fournet raised his hand and struck him. The deputy then shoved him down. As soon as this was done forty, fifty, or sixty men came with their revolvers in hand.

…very few people attended tax-sales [typically], because the white people were organized to prevent tax-collection, and pledged themselves not to buy any property at tax-sales, and the property was generally bought by the State.

Miscellaneous

  • The First Boer War broke out in the aftermath of the successfully resisted auction of a tax resister’s waggon. Paul Kruger wrote of the incident:

    The first sign of the approaching storm was the incident that happened at the forced sale of Field Cornet Bezuidenhout’s waggon, on which a distress had been levied. The British Government had begun to collect taxes and to take proceedings against those who refused to pay them. Among these was Piet Bezuidenhout, who lived in the Potchefstroom District. This refusal to pay taxes was one of the methods of passive resistance which were now employed towards the British Government. Hitherto, many of the burghers had paid their taxes, declaring that they were only yielding to force. But, when this was explained by the English politicians as though the population were contented and peacefully paying their taxes, some asked for a receipt showing that they were only paying under protest and others refused to pay at all. The Government then levied a distress on Bezuidenhout’s waggon and sent it to public action at Potchefstroom. Piet Cronjé, who became so well known in the last war, appeared at the auction with a number of armed Boers, who flung the bailiff from the waggon and drew the waggon itself back in triumph to Bezuidenhout’s farm.

  • When the U.S. government seized Valentine Byler’s horse because of the Amish man’s conscientious objection to paying into the social security system, no other Amish would bid at the auction.
  • Between the Wars in Germany, the government had a hard time conducting auctions of the goods of tax resisters. Ernst von Salomon writes:

    Everywhere bailiff’s orders were being disobeyed.… Compulsory sales could not be held: when the young peasants of the riding club appeared at the scene of the auction on their horses and with music, nobody seemed willing to make a bid. The carters refused, even with police protection, to carry off the distrained cattle, for they knew that if they did they would never again be able to do business with the peasants. One day three peasants even appeared in the slaughter yards at Hamburg and announced that unless the distrained cattle disappeared at once from the yard’s stalls the gentlemen in charge of the slaughterhouse could find somewhere else to buy their beasts in the future — they wouldn’t be getting any more from Schleswig-Holstein.

  • Environmental activist Tim DeChristopher disrupted a Bureau of Land Management auction by making winning bids on everything that he had no intention of honoring.
  • During the Poujadist disruptions in France, “They also took to spiking forced tax sales by refusing to bid until the auctioneer had lowered the price of whatever was up for sale to a laughably small figure. Thus a tax delinquent might buy back his own shop for, say 10 cents. At an auction the other day, a brand-new car went for one franc, or less than one-third of a cent.”
  • in roughly the same region of France:

    It was in the south where the wine growers refuse to pay taxes to the government. A farmer had had half a dozen rabbits sent him by a friend; he refused to pay duty on them, whereupon they control or local customs tried to sell the six “original” rabbits and their offspring at auction. The inhabitants have now boycotted the auction sales so that the local officials must feed the rabbits till the case is settled by the courts.

  • In York, Pennsylvania in , a group “surrounded the crier and forbid any person purchasing when the property which had been seized was offered for sale. A cow which had been in the hands of the collector was driven away by the rioters.”
  • In the Dutch West Indies in “The household effects of a physician who refused to pay the tax were offered for sale at auction today by the Government. Although the building in which the sale was held was crowded, there were no bids and the articles were not sold.”
  • In Tasmania, in , “Large quantities of goods were seized, and lodged in the Commissariat Store [but] Lawless mobs paraded the streets, tore down fences, and, arming themselves with rails and batons, smashed windows and doors.… The fence round the Commissariat Store was torn down…”
  • During the Bardoli tax strike, “There were meetings in talukas contiguous to Bardoli, not only in British territory, but also in the Baroda territory, for expression of sympathy with the Satyagrahis and calling upon people in their respective parts not to cooperate with the authorities engaged in putting down the Satyagraha… by bidding for any forfeited property that may be put to auction by the authorities.”

Some tax resistance campaigns have accompanied their resistance with petitions to the government asking it to change its policies or to rescind the tax. Here are some examples:

  • Some 14,000 American Amish petitioned Congress, putting aside that sect’s usual reluctance to participate in political affairs and asking the government to exempt them from the Social Security program, participation in which they felt was anti-Christian. At the same time, some Amish were actively resisting the tax and suffering from government reprisals. Congress eventually did carve out an exemption for the Amish and certain other sects.
  • American Quaker meetings frequently petitioned state legislatures when those bodies were considering laws that would force conscientious objectors to pay a fine or to hire a substitute — neither of which Quakers felt they could conscientiously do. Here are two examples: from and .
  • On one occasion, American Quakers successfully petitioned the government to call off unscrupulous tax collectors who were seizing their property to pay such fines, in amounts that far exceeded the amount of the fine, and keeping the surplus (or sometimes the whole amount) for themselves.
  • In several Quakers wrote to the Pennsylvania Assembly to tell them they would be unwilling to pay a tax that body was contemplating for “purposes inconsistent with the peaceable testimony we profess.”
  • African-American entrepreneur Paul Cuffee petitioned the Massachusetts legislature in and to complain that he was not permitted to vote, although he was a taxpayer — and he backed this up by refusing to pay. His petition arrived at a time when the state Constitution was in flux, and may have helped influence its drafters to omit a clause restricting voting to white citizens.
  • The Benares Hartal in , began with “the people deserting the city in a body, and taking up their station halfway between Benares and Secrole, the residence of the European functionaries, about three miles distant. A petition was presented to the magistrate, praying him to withdraw the odious impost, and declaring that the petitioners would never return to their homes until their application was complied with.”
  • Before launching the Bardoli tax strike, representatives from the Indian civil disobedience movement petitioned the government, asking patiently for the concessions they would later demand via satyagraha.
  • The Rebecca Rioters, with their pseudonymous campaign of midnight toll-gate destruction, had the government nearly begging them to present a list of grievances they could at least pretend to address. Many groups of Welsh farmers did meet and draft lists of grievances. A London Times reporter gained the confidence of one Rebeccaite assembly, and set out their grievances in the form of a Times article describing the meeting. Another group of farmers met to draft a petition of their grievances which they sent to a government representative via a trusted intermediary. On at least one occasion a group of parishes had petitioned the Turnpike Trust that ran one of the offending toll gates to remove it, before it was destroyed by Rebecca and her daughters.
  • During the 17th century Croquant tax rebellions in France, the rebels carefully worded petitions to the king that assumed his benevolence and that the tax hikes must have been snuck past his royal highness by deceitful advisors.
  • In , nonconformists in Massachusetts successfully petitioned the King to free imprisoned resisters to a tax meant for the establishment church there, and to affirm that Quakers should not have to pay taxes to maintain the ministers of another church.
  • Abby Smith addressed the Glastonbury town council in to explain why she would not be paying her property tax to politicians who took advantage of her voteless state. A newspaper obtained and publisher her speech, saying that “Abby Smith and her sister as truly stand for the American principle as did the citizens who ripped open the tea chests in Boston Harbor, or the farmers who leveled their muskets at Concord.” Soon the Smith case became a cause célèbre nationwide.
  • During the Annuity Tax struggle in Edinburgh, Scotland, “40,000 citizens of Edinburgh petitioned the House of Commons for [the Tax’s] abolition. The town council, the magistrates of Canongate, the Merchant Company, the Anti-state-church and the Anti-annuity-tax Associations, all exerted themselves with the legislature and the government to procure its repeal…”
  • The hut tax war in Sierra Leone was preceded by petitions from a variety of groups there asking the government to rescind the tax, and explaining why the tax was felt to be particularly offensive. In this case, the petitioning may have backfired, as the government stubbornly pushed forward with the tax, but, forewarned of opposition by the petitions, it “came to the conclusion that the exercise of force, peremptory, rapid, and inflexible, was the element to be relied on in making the scheme of taxation a success.”

Pickets and other such public demonstrations commonly accompany tax resistance campaigns. Here are some examples that caught my eye:

  • During the Tithe War in Ireland, one parliamentarian noted with some panic a news account of a mock funeral held in Ireland, attended by 100,000 people “who assembled to carry in a procession to the grave two coffins, on which were inscribed ‘Tithes’ and ‘Rent’.”
  • The Women’s Tax Resistance League used signs, banners, handbills, chalked-slogans, and sandwich boards to help get their “No Vote — No Tax” message across at their public demonstrations.
  • The Benares hartal of was in part a strike, but in part a huge demonstration, the duration and peaceful discipline of which pointed out the determination of the demonstrators.
  • When the Rebecca Rioters came to Carmarthen, they came en masse and during the daytime, almost as a parade. They were “preceded by a band of musicians playing popular airs, and men bearing placards with the following enscriptions in large printed letters:” “Justice and lovers of Justice are we all.” “Freedom and better food.” “Free tolls and Freedom.”
  • The tax strike in the French wine-growing region in was preceded by huge demonstrations and parades. Wrote one observer:

    All observers were struck by the extraordinary perfection of the organization. It was not necessary once for the troops or police to interfere with the multitude which was variously estimated was made up of from 400,000 to 600,000 persons. A feature of the parade was the large proportion of women participating. Groups from various cities bore banners with various inscriptions and carried coffins, guillotines, &c.

    Another wrote:

    …all night long trains entered the station every quarter of an hour with crowds, many of whom had been travelling fifteen and twenty hours. Looking worn and dishevelled, they formed in serried battalions, and, headed by bands and trumpets and drums, young and old, men, women, and children, marched to their quarters…

    This morning five huge columns, approaching from various quarters, welded at the Arch Peyrou into one procession nine miles long, and the march through the streets began at . Placards threatened, “The day of reckoning is at hand,” “We will take up arms,” “Down with the deputies.” Here were 200 handsome Norbannese women in mourning, there 500 young girls robed in white muslin, with tricolor robes.

  • In in Turkey, mass tax refusal was backed up by mass demonstrations of as many as 20,000 people, demanding the repeal of the taxes.
  • In , anti-Chavez protesters launched a tax strike by tearing up their income tax forms in a demonstration in which thousands of demonstrators marched on the tax offices in Caracas.
  • Farmers in New Zealand threatened to drive their farm equipment onto the highways to jam the roads in protest against a new greenhouse-gas-targeting “flatulence tax” on livestock in .
  • When the authorities tried to impose a tax on dogs in Breslau, Germany, in 5,000 dogs (and their owners) descended on city hall to protest.
  • One of Gandhi’s first experiments with satyagraha was a strike in South Africa to protest against a tax on Indian immigrants there. The culmination of that campaign was a massive protest march of striking workers that deliberately violated laws restricting the right of travel of Indians.
  • Ammon Hennacy was fond of accompanying his solitary tax resistance with periodic fasts and picketings at IRS headquarters, typically around the time of the anniversary of the Hiroshima bombing. He would hand out to passers-by copies of the Catholic Worker as well as leaflets that described his own particular protest — while also carrying a sign and wearing a sandwich-board that put things more concisely.
  • The previously-untaxed caste of Bhats in India responded to being subjected to the income tax in dramatic fashion: “Two thousand men turned out to remonstrate with the Superintendent of Police who appeared on the scene. He remained firm, whereupon they cut themselves with knives, cursed the Assessors, bespattering them with their blood, and declared they would rather die than surrender their birthright. When several were apprehended, their wives began to hack their persons, and so severely that several have since died. Up to the last intelligence the Bhats still gloried in their refusal.”
  • American war tax resisters frequently hold rallies, pickets, street theater, and other such actions around “Tax Day” (the date when federal income tax returns are due). This among other things helps make sure that their message is one of those represented in the obligatory tax day news stories. Here is an example:

    The group then left for the federal building, in which the IRS and a number of other offices are located, at which 75 people burned tax forms and blockaded the street for a bit. There were no arrests. In conjunction with the tax form burning, they used a banner with the quote: “Pardon us, friends, for the fracture of good order, for burning paper instead of babies,” sent from prison during the Vietnam War by Daniel Berrigan… They offered their apologies for burning tax forms instead of Colombian villages, Palestinian schools, Iraqi hospitals, Filipinos’ mosques and Afghan homes.

    In another case:

    After a mock President Clinton bragged to onlookers about the many areas in which the U.S. was #1 - military spending, arms sales, violent gun deaths, etc. — he drove home the point with an 8-foot Patriot missile tossed into a group of students, parents, nurses and other ordinary people.

    Mass dying ensued, followed by an appearance by the grim reaper himself. Ostensibly there to collect bodies, he assented to an interview with M.C. Daniel Woodham. Death was the only one at the rally willing to even attempt an explanation of the maniacal logic of a still-bloated U.S. military budget.

    Here are some street theater tips from war tax resister Steve Gulick.
  • Some war tax resisters in Wales brought their tax payment to the tax office in a bucket of blood. When the payment was refused, they poured the blood over the steps of the building.
  • In members of the Magdalene House Catholic Worker held a demonstration at the IRS office in which they “laid out a cloth altar with candles, flowers, and health care items to represent life, and tax forms with their blood poured on them to represent death. They held a worship service and talked about why they were there.” This was enough for several of them to get arrested.
  • During the rebellion against Thatcher’s poll tax, there were several demonstrations.
    • The Scottish Trade Union Conference organized a number of rallies, including a 30,000-person march in Edinburgh, but then it put its weight behind a strange 11-minute-long general strike at which people all over Scotland were supposed to briefly stop working to engage in some short anti-poll-tax activism. That protest didn’t go anywhere and the Union Conference lost some credibility as a movement organizer.
    • Hundreds of thousands of people turned out to demonstrations in England, with some of these rallies and marches turning into riots (or being attacked by police, depending on whose stories you believe). On such occasions, the riots became the message of the demonstrations, whatever the intentions of the organizers were. This had mixed consequences for the movement.

Today I’ll reproduce some excerpts from the Report of the Commissioners of Inquiry for South Wales (1844) which looked into the causes of the Rebecca uprising, and which was released on .

There is much in the reports about the nature of the turnpike Trusts, their financial conditions, the laws concerning tolls (and how toll collectors sometimes violated them to increase their take), the grievances at the root of the uprising, and so forth. I’m going to stick to excerpting things concerning the tactics of refusal and of tollgate/toll house destruction — how they played out, how they were organized, and what resulted from them.

The resistance to the payment of tolls, and the destruction of turnpike-gates, began in the Whitland Trust, in the confines of the counties of Pembroke and Carmarthen. This Trust was established in : the Act was subsequently renewed, and several parish roads were then included which had not been named in the original Act. One of these roads (nearly eight miles in length), leading from St. Clears to Maesgwynne Gate, had been made and upheld in good condition by the parishes. The trustees did not, on the passing of the Act, take the road into their charge, or provide for its management and repair; it continued for several years to be maintained as a parish road, when suddenly the trustees resolved to place turnpike-gates at each end of it.

In , says Mr. Baugh Allen, some people from England, for the first time, gave intimation that if certain new gates were erected on roads where considerable lime and culm traffic passed, they might be induced to farm the tolls at a higher rate than that which had been previously obtained. Their proposition was accepted; the tolls were let to Mr. Bullin, an extensive toll-contractor, and four new gates were erected. But the country people thinking it wrong that the trustees should take tolls where they had incurred no expenditure, assembled “in the midst of summer, at about six o’clock in the afternoon, and those gates were pulled down amidst all sorts of noise and disturbance and great jollity, and were destroyed without the interference of anybody.” “I do not think,” says Mr. W. Evans, the clerk of this Trust, “they were a week standing.”

The trustees gave notice of their intention to re-erect the gates. A meeting was held for the purpose at St. Clears, but at that meeting a number (from 30 to 40, as it is said) of the leading magistrates of the county of Carmarthen qualified to act as trustees, and they decided, by a large majority, that the gates should not be re-erected.

“This act of the magistrates,” says a very intelligent witness, “gave satisfaction to the country for a time, but it strengthened the hands of the discontented, and, in some measure, prepared them for further violence. The trustees continued to call upon the parishes to repair the roads, without laying out anything upon them themselves, though the income of the Trust amounted to 500l. a year, which made the matter more galling.”

The rioters, however, gained their point, the gates were not re-established; no one was punished for the outrage which had taken place, and there can be no doubt (as we are assured by Mr. W. Evans) “that with the erection of those gates originated the disturbance.”

At the time of our inquiry no one gate or bar was left standing, and the receipt of tolls on account of the [Whitland] Trust was altogether suspended.

The [Main Trust] trustees, as we were informed by Colonel Rice Trevor, put up a new gate, called the Mermaid Gate. It was leased with others, but by some oversight the trustees omitted to direct that a payment at this gate should free the gate five miles off at Carmarthen. Discontent was created, and the gate was five times in succession pulled down by a lawless mob.

When the contagion of discontent spread from its focus in the Whitland Trust, the inhabitants of the parishes lying north and west of Carmarthen (who, from local position, were constrained to travel as heretofore over the old and hilly road), were displeased at paying this increased [by 50%] toll on account of the new road, the benefit of which they did not enjoy. Excitement prevailed, tumultuous assemblies took place, the gates, one of which stood at the very entrance of the town of Carmarthen, were destroyed with the greatest violence and outrage. At the time of our inquiry, out of nine gates established by the Trust, three only were standing.

At the time of our inquiry neither [Rhynws Bridge] gate nor bar were standing, nor was any toll collected at the bridge…

The trustees [of the Three Commotts Trust] had established 21 gates or bars, of which two only were left standing at the time of our inquiry.

In this [the Kidwelly] trust, 14 gates and bars, exclusive of that on the [Loughor river] bridge, had been destroyed; and 13 bars and one gate had been ordered by the trustees to be permanently discontinued.

As this road [in Llangadock Trust, “on which there were at one time 13 gates and bars”] exists chiefly for the carriage of lime, and as a high rate per horse was taken, the gates became objects of attack; all of them had been destroyed, excepting four. Some, we were informed, were about to be abandoned by the trustees, on the condition that the parishes would maintain the roads, and all the bars had been put down. The toll on lime appears to have been since reduced, without the authority of the Act of Parliament, from 6d. to 3d. on each horse drawing. But the trustees were unable to let such gates as they still upheld, and they had appointed persons to collect the tolls.

In the Llandovery and Llampeter Trust there are 40 miles of road, and on which, in there were 13 gates and bars… Four gates and all the bars had been destroyed.

Every gate and bar [in the Carmarthen & Lampeter, and Tiveyside trusts: “six gates and nine bars”] had been destroyed. When the first was broken, the trustees put it up again, but it was broken down again in the course of a few weeks.

[In t]he Llandilo and Llandebye Trust… [t]here were also seven gates, of which four had been destroyed. Some of these had been re-erected; one had been altogether discontinued.

[In t]he Brechfa Trust… three gates and two side-bars had been destroyed.…

No meeting [of trustees] had been held to consider what should be done with the gates which had been thrown down, and Mr. Rees, the Treasurer for the County of Carmarthen, who still discharges the almost nominal duty of clerk to the Trust, expressed to us his belief, with respect to the gates, that the trustees had no intention of putting them up again.

There are two gates on this road [under the Pembroke Ferry Trust], both of which were pulled down, and one only was restored at the time of our inquiry. The tolls had been let for 111l. per annum, but there seemed to be no hope that so large a sum could continue to be received.

In this district [Cardigan] there had been ten turnpike-gates, but at the time of our inquiry nine had been pulled down.

In the Northern District of Cardiganshire… four gates had been attacked, three of which were utterly destroyed.

[In the Rhayader and Llangerrig Trust] both the gates had been attacked, and that which it was most difficult to protect, has been twice pulled down.

There are five gates and one bar belonging to [the Radnorshire Trust], closely surrounding the town of Rhayader. Two of these gates are upon the old roads to Aberystwith and Llanidloes, which the creation of the new line of communication by Llangerrig, to which we have already alluded, has rendered nearly useless. These roads have been practically abandoned by the Trust, though the turnpike-gates continue to exist upon them. Both these gates, together with one at the eastern end of the town, which became obnoxious because it was so placed as to require payment of tolls from persons who came upon the turnpike-road at a short distance only from the toll-bar, were destroyed by an organized mob, and the toll could only be collected under the protection of police and a military force.

In [the Breckonshire] Trust one gate only had been destroyed. Such as were likely to become obnoxious had been taken down by order of the trustees.

In [the Llantrissant] Trust three gates [of eight] had been destroyed by acts of violence…

We met with no one, however deeply interested he might be in the continuance of the system, who was sanguine enough to entertain a belief that the same amount of tolls could be collected, or the same number of gates, chains, and bars be sustained, as before the disturbances began.

In appendices to the report, the commissioners included some transcripts of testimony they collected during their inquiry.

Here is some testimony of John Lloyd Davies, concerning the Carmarthen and Newcastle Trust:

How many gates are now standing?
Four this week; three, I believe, last week
Which of the gates have you re-erected?
The gate at Pontwilly, by Llandyssil, on the new line. The house stood, because they did not touch the house; nor did they touch this gates; they felt the justice of the proceeds of that gate being applied to pay for the new road, which was a great accommodation. During the whole of the outbreak it was left untouched, till some miscreants in the neighbourhood, whether out of wantonness or not, went there, and broke a little of the gate, and that led to a further spirit of destruction, and in a few months afterwards the whole was demolished, but not the house.
In restoring the gate, do you feel any confidence that there will be a sufficient sense of justice in the public mind to maintain it?
I think so. I have very good intelligence who the parties are who were privy to it, and who are morally criminal, though perhaps not legally. I mean to see them, every one of them; some of them are respectable people, I am sorry to say.
Are there not parts of roads in your Trust which you have turned over to the parishes, and, as it were, cast out of the Trust?
Not until now; we have done so recently.
Can you explain under what view of the law you have been able to accomplish that?
At the eastern end of Newcastle there are two turnpike-gates, the one communicates with a mountain road, the other with the Llangeler road. They broke the mountain gate, called Bwlehydomen. Such being the case, I proposed that we should let that gate remain, as they had broken it down, and let them travel the mountain road; but inasmuch as we received no toll from it, that we should make no expenditure upon it; if they chose to have a bad road free from toll, let them have it; or if they chose to repair it at their own expense, be it so.
Have you anything that you wish to add to what you have stated?
I would add this, rather in vindication of my brother trustees, — there are strong opinions gone abroad that there has not been a sufficient degree of sympathy on the part of the trustees and magistrates of the country with the country people to relieve them when a case demanding relief presented itself. Now, I give this as an instance, and a very strong one: it is three years ago a great number of gates stood upon the Whitland Trust. The parties in that neighbourhood assembled and broke the gates down. Our county member, Mr. Jones, then spoke to a great number of his friends among the trustees, and intreated many to go with him to a large meeting, assembled at St. Clear’s, of Pembrokeshire and Carmarthenshire magistrates. I went, at some inconvenience, down there; and Mr. Jones proposed that these gates should, by an order of the trustees, be abated, stating that they were a great burden upon the county, that they were unproductive, and that the parishes had to maintain the road. … When the Act of Parliament passed, those roads were in being as parish roads, and the power in this Act was only of adoption; but it first stated that the trustees, before they erected gates, should repair the whole of those roads, which condition precedent they had not performed. I, therefore, took an objection that they had erected the gates illegally; and as the parishes had ever since repaired the roads, I thought, in justice and law, the gates ought to be taken down… At that meeting there were, I dare say, 35 or 40 magistrates; and the view I took of it was coincided in by every one, with the exception of four or five, and the gates were taken away. Now that does not evidence the least want of sympathy with the country people, for we were of all grades of politics, Whigs and Tories and Radicals, and everything else, assembled for the express purpose of affording relief, and the country was completely relieved. I will give another instance, which led to the whole of this outbreak: it was a bar upon one side of St. Clear’s, upon the main trust… the moment I heard of the bar being erected I gave notice of a Trust meeting, to propose that it should be taken down again; and at the expiration of that notice there was an immense assembly of trustees again, and they all perfectly coincided with me that it ought to be taken away: but there was a little want of moral courage on the part of some of them; they said, “We must put it off a month or else it would seem a giving way to clamour.” I replied, “You have done wrong and you cannot do right too soon.” However I was over-ruled, it was not done, but it was to be done in a fortnight; and in that unhappy fortnight the whole of that outbreak took place; and at the end of the fortnight it was so done under circumstances betraying apprehension, much more than would have been the case if we had done it the preceding fortnight.
At the commencement of this spring, the moment the gates were being broken, I sent round to my tenants, and I said, “Have nothing to do with the gate-breaking, I will pay for every load of lime at every gate that you pass through;” and in defiance of that I am satisfied that a great number of their servants joined the gate-breaking, from a mere spirit of wantonness, which required but a slight force to repel at once. We were perfectly quiet in Cardiganshire. There was a rising in Carmarthenshire to come and break the gate at Newcastle, on the Cardiganshire side. I saw their object, and I sent round to my tenantry and neighbours, and collected about 150, some of them armed with whatever they could bring, on the Cardiganshire side, and gave it to be understood on the Carmarthenshire side, that if they came the men would resist them; they never came, which is a proof that the people would act if they could act in a body.

William Evans, clerk of the Whitland Trust:

With respect to the road from St. Clear’s to Maesgwynne Gate, the misfortune is that they did not take that road early enough under management… The road had existed many years. They set up a gate at each end, and proposed taking one toll throughout its whole length, that length being six miles and seven furlongs. The gates were approved of by the public in the locality; they were riotously destroyed, and those were the first riots, the riots which destroyed that gate, and destroyed another, called Evel War, upon another branch of the road. The erection of those gates no doubt originated the disturbances.
How long is it since the gate on the Maesgwynne branch was demolished?
In .
And that gate was not re-erected?
There were meetings of the trustees, at which a great number of new trustees qualified, from Carmarthenshire principally, who had never interfered at all with the management of the Trust before. They qualified in a body, and swamped the order that had been made by those trustees who usually managed the Trust, and who had ordered the gates to be put up.
Are all the gates in your Trust destroyed now?
Every gate.
How many?
There is one at Plain Dealings; there are two gates at Narberth, called Narberth East Gates; they are close to each other. There are at Penblowing two gates, Llether Gate, Robeston Wathan Gate, Pulltrath Gate, Trevan two gates, one of which is a side gate. There are ten gates altogether.
The gates were destroyed. The trustees who revoked the order for setting up the gates, directed that Bullen should be compensated for giving up his agreement, and accordingly, a good part of the resources of the Trust went to buy him off. After all those new gates were set up, including those on the road from St. Clear’s to Maesgwynne, and after they were let to Bullen at 800l. a-year, the ex-officio justices qualified, the gates having been destroyed by rioters, and directed that they should not be again erected. But Bullen said, of course, “Those gates are let to me, and I will not relinquish them.” And then the trustees made an order, that in order to induce him to waive his agreement as to the gates they should pay him out of the Trust Fund 150l. It was made a subject of reference.
What did he pay you for tolls?
They destroyed the gates immediately after his taking.
In point of fact, you have never spent from the fund of the Trust any money whatever upon the repair of the road from Maesgwynne to St. Clear’s?
Not a farthing.
How long were those gates on the line standing?
I do not think they were a week standing.
…14l. 4s. 8d., those were costs paid to an adverse attorney, Mr. Cozens, who was attorney for the appellant Howell, in an appeal against two justices, and Benjamin Bullen, who was the toll contractor of the trust, in respect of a conviction for making forcible opposition to the collection of the toll. The destruction of gates and opposition to the tolls having previously commenced, the trustees felt it their duty to defend the conviction, and so ordered at a meeting on ; the conviction was quashed, and those taxed costs ordered by the Court to be paid. Having defended the appeal, the trustees thought it right that they should pay the costs of the adverse party, and that they should not call upon the justices, or upon Bullen, and therefore, whether right or wrong, they ordered them to be paid.
What was the conviction for?
The conviction was for forcible opposition to the collection of toll under the general Turnpike Act. If I recollect rightly, it failed from not having made sufficiently clear the demand of the toll, previously to the forcing through.
Was the appeal to the county sessions, or to the borough sessions?
To the county of Carmarthen. It was tried here. No 4, 16l. That was cash advanced to John Mens and Henry Rees, poor men, who having assisted Benjamin Bullen, the toll collector, in apprehending Daniel Luke and William Phillips for forcing through the bar, without paying toll, and having from fear of a rescue, as they alleged, handcuffed them, were with Bullen, sued for trespass in an action by each. The trustees thought it their duty to stand by the collector, and those men who assisted him, and at a meeting of , they ordered the clerk to defend the actions at the expense of the Trust. They were defended accordingly, but the plaintiffs obtained a verdict, in each action, for 6l. damages, on the ground that the handcuffing was under the circumstances excessive. Mens and Rees were imprisoned for the plaintiffs’ damages and costs, and this 16l. was advanced to them to assist them to take the benefit of the Insolvent Act, which they did.
…60l. were given by way of compensation to a person who had built a house for the Trust, by way of a toll-house, under a stipulation that they were to take it at a certain rent. The house was destroyed by rioters; the trustees did not wish to be at the expense of building it, and they agreed to pay 60l. by way of compensation…
Were these gates all broken last year?
Yes, we have had them down a long time now; we have hardly been able to get the tenants of last year to pay us anything. They say they will not pay us anything, and we shall only be able to recover anything by law proceedings, if at all. We let them the tolls for the year, which expired last Michaelmas, but every now and then the people came and knocked the toll-houses about their ears, and therefore they say, “We are poor people, we depended for paying you upon the receipts of the toll, and therefore we are unable to pay on account of the riots, and therefore we throw ourselves upon your mercy, but if you sue us we are too poor to be able to pay.”

John James Stacey, clerk to the main Trust:

The [turnpike-]house which has been destroyed between here and Llandello cost 55l. at Penyguarn.
What has taken place to induce the trustees to increase the payments?
They have discontinued the gate at Penygarn which has been destroyed, and they have made other alterations with a view to relieve the farmers, and they wish to make up for the loss by putting an additional toll upon strangers, so that they shall pay two tolls in coming from Llandillo here instead of the one to which they are now subject; that was a proposition of Lord Cawdor’s.
You are not able to state what number of gates are now prostrate?
In this Trust there is only that one at Penygarn, and one side-bar at Abergwilly. Both those have been pulled down by the mob; and they are now, by the authority of the trustees, discontinued. There was a gate at Abergwilly, and there was also a side-gate, and that has been pulled down; and the trustees have ordered that it shall be discontinued. There was also a chain near the palace. It was not customary to take tolls at that chain, but only at fairs and weddings, and that has been discontinued.
How many gates have been destroyed upon the main Trust?
Seven.
How many of those have been put up again?
They have all been put up again except two.
How many times have those that have been put up been destroyed?
One has been destroyed twice.
Can you tell the exact number of gates [in the Kidwelly Trust] before they were broken down?
Yes, there were 14 toll-gates, exclusive of the bridge; there is a toll-gate upon the bridge also. One toll-gate and 13 bars have been discontinued by the order of the trustees lately.
How many are remaining?
All the toll-gates except one are to be continued, but great numbers of them are now in ruins, they have not been re-erected yet.
Is there any claim against you by the lessees for the loss incurred by the destruction of the gates?
Yes; it was agreed to allow the lessee of those tolls 350l., in consideration of his consenting to the immediate abolition of those bars which I have mentioned, and also in consideration of certain gates being made to clear each other which heretofore did not do so.
How many gates have been destroyed upon this [Kidwelly] Trust?
I think about 10 or 12 have been destroyed out of 15 or 16.

Lancelot Baugh Allen, magistrate for the counties of Pembroke, Surry, Middlesex, Essex, and Kent; and trustee of the Whitland and the main Trusts:

You are aware that turnpike-gates and side-bars have been destroyed in both of those Trusts within the last few months?
Very few upon the main Trust. Upon the Whitland Trust I know that the gates and side-bars have been destroyed; but I am not aware, with the exception of one at Haverfordwest, that any gate upon the main Trust has been destroyed. I mean not in that part.
Can you at all account for the different course which has been pursued by those discontented persons with reference to the two classes of gates — what has induced them to destroy those in the Whitland Trust, and to leave those in the main Trust?
It is an attack of the consumers of lime and culm, all of which comes from the south part of the country from Pembrokeshire, and goes northward. There is no lime or culm to the northward of Narberth, and the attack has arisen in consequence of those persons who live in the upper part of the county being anxious to get their lime and culm toll free.
To what cause do you attribute the discontent with reference to these turnpike-gates on the roads along which lime and culm is drawn, seeing that most of them have existed for a considerable time?
There was no objection made to the toll in any way till a meeting that took place about four years ago, and it is to that unfortunate business that I attribute the whole. My opinion is, that the outrages have arisen from the mismanagement which took place in reference to the transactions about which that meeting was called.
After the breaking down of the gate at St. Clears?
Yes; there has been very considerable mismanagement in bringing forward the last Act of Parliament respecting the Whitland gates. The first Act comprised within the limits of the Whitland Trust a very much less extent of road than the subsequent Act has done. The subsequent Act took in a great part of the road in the neighbourhood of Llanboidy and northward; upon those roads at that time there were no turnpike-gates; those roads which were parish-roads, and kept in very good order, were then put into the turnpike Trust. The general belief is, that the gentlemen of that part of the county thought that a toll might be a grievance, and instead of putting up a turnpike according to the Act prescribed, they intimated to the parishioners that if they kept the road in good order, no turnpike-gates should be put up.
Is that notice on the book?
No; I am now stating what I understood to be the case. I wish particularly to guard myself in saying that. This went on so; those roads being parish roads, and in no way obtaining any other assistance from the Trust, but occasionally getting stones which the Trust paid for. The Trust paid for no repair, but they paid for some of the stones that were expended upon those parish roads, and that was the extent to which they went. About four years back Mr. Bullen, the person who was the contractor for the tolls, took gates upon both lines of road; he stated there was considerable evasion of toll by the people coming northward into St. Clear’s, and recommended that a gate should be put up at a place of which the Commissioners have probably heard, Pevernwen. The consequence was, that persons taking lime from St. Clear’s, northward, had to pay an additional toll, which was felt by them as a very considerable grievance. In the course, I believe, of the early part of the following spring, the gate at Pevernwen was destroyed in the night by a considerable mob of persons, and in some months afterwards the gate at St. Clear’s was destroyed, in the midst of summer, at about six o’clock in the afternoon, amidst all sorts of noise and disturbance, and without any sort of interference of anybody. Upon this a meeting or two took place, and it was stated by a number of persons belonging to the Whitland Trust, who met at Narberth, that those gates ought to be reinstated. A communication took place with the Secretary of State, Lord John Russell, respecting it, and about the reinstating of the gate there seemed to be considerable division of opinion between the gentlemen who came from Pembrokeshire and from Carmarthenshire; a meeting was called for the purpose of reinstating the gates at St. Clear’s, at which meeting I attended; upon the proposition being made, it was carried against the re-erection of the gates by a considerable majority. It is true that at that meeting a great number of gentlemen in the county of Carmarthen qualified to act, who never attended before nor since; they came from a very considerable distance, gave a very ready vote, and there was an end of the thing; the gates were not re-erected. At the same time an opinion was produced which possibly you may have seen, that it was imperative upon the Trust to erect the gates in the district where they had been pulled down, but it was carried that they should not be re-erected.
What interval of time elapsed between the destruction of this gate and the destruction of others?
I think about three years; but that will be easily seen from Mr. Evans’s book. Mr. Evans is clerk of the Trust.
The Commissioners understand that, since that time, every gate in the Whitland Trust has been destroyed?
Every gate upon the Whitland Trust, I believe, has been destroyed, or partially destroyed.

John Lloyd Davies again:

I think the Commissioners are taking for granted that the gates have been the origin of this disturbance. It is no such thing; it is merely the means by which the feeling of the people has become apparent; for the breaking of gates has taken place at Newcastle, in a portion of the road where the gates were scarcely paid or felt; and people have been the breakers of the gates, who, I am satisfied, never paid 2s. toll in the course of two years.
When did the agitation in Cardiganshire begin?
It began when the Newcastle Gate was broken, what is called the Adpar Gate.
The Commissioners have been told that individuals who might have known better, have lent themselves to exciting and instigating the population of Cardiganshire to acts of violence. Has anything of that sort come to your knowledge?
No; but I think that individuals who ought to have known better, I mean persons of education, have gone round the country, giving a very high colour to circumstances, which of themselves were not grievances and converting them into such.
Has that been done from political motives at all?
Yes; from Chartism.
Have not meetings taken place in the day which have apparently borne an unobjectionable character, but which have really led to mischief, which was not apparent to those who observed them cursorily?
Yes.
Were not persons of station in society induced to preside at those meetings with a view to prevent mischief?
They were.
Have you reason to believe that they were deceived in the character of the proceedings, and that things were done at those meetings which were not known to the persons who presided over them?
I have reason to think that after the apparent business of the meeting was over resolutions were entered into of a most injurious description.
Can you at all specify what was the nature of the mischief that they resolved upon at those meetings?
I have been told that after the Cardiganshire meeting resolutions were entered into to interdict any tenant from taking two farms under the usual penalty, fire, in case of non-compliance; and also I have been told that resolutions were entered into to pull down the weir, and I have understood that some portion of those assembled entered into a combination to attack the clergyman’s house or his haggard.
From the circumstances of the country and the difficulty which exists amongst those people of communicating with one another, are you led to believe that if this meeting had not taken place the opportunity for this combination would not have existed?
I think not, because those meetings drew parties from opposite directions who could not have had a pretense for meeting otherwise.
Have you yourself discouraged such meetings?
I have; I called together as many of my tenants as I could, and told them that I made them responsible for their labourers and workmen and undertenants, and if they had any cause of grievance let the mention it to me and I would redress it, but that I thought that the probability was that the only real grievance was poverty, and that the relief to be afforded to that I was willing to extend to them by a reduction of rent, and which I had practised some time before, two years, indeed, at intervals at different times, and the effect of this has been, I am happy to say, very good. I think I can safely say that not a single tenant of mine has ever been near those meetings.
You were understood to say, the other day, that one or two of your tenants, to whom you had behaved kindly, and for whom you had paid their lime tolls, had actually attended those meetings?
I have since had reason to believe that that was not the case.
When was the last meeting of that kind held?
.
Where?
Near Lampeter.
Was it largely attended?
I have been told that there were 3000 people, but I allow something for exaggeration and bring it down to 2000. It is so large an assemblage, that it is alarming, I think, in this country, where I never saw 200 people assembled in my life for any such purpose.
What was the professed purpose of the meeting?
To petition for redress of grievances and to enter into resolutions. I have heard that it was the most Chartist meeting that has ever taken place in Wales, in its complexion, actions, and words.
Do you know who was in the chair?
I do not, it has resolved itself into a Chartist business. They are persons of no good character that get up the meetings.
Does it occur to you that anything can be done beyond the influence which you exercise very properly and judiciously as a landlord to discourage this?
Nothing, but every landlord calling his tenants together, and making them morally responsible to him for the quiet within the district in which they live. Suppose a man lives within an area of four or five miles, I should say to him, “If I hear of any disturbance I shall take for granted that you or your sons or your servants know of it, and you must take every means in your power to prevent it.”
Do you think that persons come from great distances to those meetings?
Yes, they do. The meeting was in Carmarthenshire, and Cardiganshire people came there; they came from Pembrokeshire to the nightly meetings for breaking gates.

George Spurrell, clerk to the Three Committs Trust, and Richard Spurrell, clerk to Llandilo Rynnws Trust:

The return states that there are 21 gates. Does that include side-bars?
[GS] Yes.
Are they all down?
[GS] I think they are all down with the exception of two gates.
Are any of them in progress of being re-erected?
[RS] Yes; the farmers wish to have them re-erected. They see their folly in pulling the gates down and letting strangers pass toll free; and they support the gates now.

Lewis Evans, Thomas Thomas, and John Harris:

Will you tell the Commissioners what has been the cause of disturbances which have taken place lately in Tallog, where you live?
[TT] The policemen came there with a distraint upon John Harris’s goods.
How did it begin?
My carter went, with two others, through Water-street gate without paying it; when he came back that night he told me of the thing, and I sent the man the next morning to tell the gateman that I should pay next Saturday, and to leave everything quiet. That was on Tuesday or Wednesday. I sent to the gateman to say that I would pay on Thursday. I was summoned to appear here on Friday before the magistrates, but no magistrate appeared: and we were persuaded by Mr. Philip Jones to attend that day week. As we were coming to the fair the next day we wished to come on that day, and we came here on Saturday. I saw two magistrates, Mr. Morris the banker, and Mr. Stacey the mayor; I told them that I had sent to the gateman, and the gateman refused to take any notice of it, and they fined me the same as others.
Was there any question with respect to yourself except that which arose from the man having gone through without paying, or did you say that the toll was illegally demanded, and that you wished to try the right?
I think it was illegally demanded.
Had your servant paid when he went into the town in the morning?
No, he had not. I thought it was illegal.
What did your cart bring into Carmarthen that morning?
Nothing but grass for the horse.
What did it come to Carmarthen for?
For lime.
And you had nothing in the cart but grass for the horse?
Nothing.
Did your servant pay in the morning?
No.
Was he asked to pay in the morning when he came into Carmarthen?
Yes.
Did he refuse to pay?
Yes.
Did you tell him not to pay?
No.
Why did he refuse?
He joined with others.
For what reason did he refuse?
It was reported over the country that the toll was illegal, that it was overcharged.

He goes on to testify that he sent a message to the toll collector indicating that he would quietly pay to make the whole thing go away, but he was nonetheless summonsed, whereupon he again stated that he would pay but that he thought the charge was illegal. The magistrates fined him two pounds, eight shillings, sixpence (the toll was 2½ pence; the dispute being that it ought to have been 1½). John Harris and Samuel Bowen were also summonsed for refusal to pay and also fined, but they refused to pay.

Did any disturbance take place at Tallog in that week?
Not at Tallog, but there was a disturbance.
How did that disturbance arise? Did officers come over to seize your goods?
Not my goods, but Harris’s; I had paid.
Was the gate broken down shortly after you had refused to pay toll?
It was broken before.
Did you think that, because the gate was removed, you were not liable to pay toll?
I took no notice about the breaking of it.
Did the sheriff’s offices coming over to seize make a disturbance there?
Yes.
State what took place?
Half of them were tipsy.
Who were tipsy?
The policemen, and went a way that was not leading to John Harris’s house, and kicked up a row.
Did they go to distrain the goods?
Yes; they took four boxes.
What did they do with the boxes?
They took them with them.
How far did they take them?
About 200 yards.

But then he told the police that he would guarantee the fine if they would return the property, so they left the boxes behind.

Had there been any disturbances about the toll upon lime at the Water-street gate before that?
I heard of nothing before that.
How long before this had the gate been broken?
I do not know, indeed; I think about a fortnight.
What had been the cause of breaking that gate?
I think it was because the toll was illegal.
Was it reported, whether truly or not, that it was some people from your neighbourhood that had broken the gate?
I do not know.
Had many gates been broken down at that time, besides that gate?
Yes, I think there were.

There then was some confusing testimony about some people pulling down a wall at “the entrance to a gentleman’s house” — perhaps that of a Mr. Davis (a county magistrate) who signed one of the distraint warrants and participated in the fining of the resisters. After that they begin to discuss the Carmarthen Workhouse riot:

How soon afterwards was any notice given that a demonstration was to take place?
I think about a week or a fortnight.
[Captain Evans.] The word used was not “a demonstration” but that they were to meet, and that everybody was to attend under Rebecca’s orders, and that was carried to all the chapels and churches throughout the neighbourhood.
Was there a demonstration which took place afterwards when a number of people rode to the workhouse?
Yes, that was the very day when that occurred.

David Evans, surveyor to the Carmarthen & Newcastle Trust and to the Three Commotts Trust:

What number of gates have you now?
Four.
What number of gates have been destroyed and not restored, excluding bars?
Five.
Were there any particular circumstances that led to the dissatisfaction that induced the people to pull down the Water-street Gate? Had not the toll been raised there to prevent the people coming along that in preference to the new road?
Yes. That was what the people complained of.
They thought that as that road remained in the same state as it had been, it was hard that they should pay the toll there to provide for making a new road to Conwyl, which in going through Water-street Gate they did not travel?
Yes.
Was there any impression that the maintenance of that gate was illegal, with reference to the Act of Parliament, that provides that no gate shall be set up in the borough of Carmarthen?
I have heard several speaking of that; some of the parishioners in this parish.
Is there anything in that in your opinion?
I do not think there is.
Upon this trust [Three Commotts] there were 6 gates and 11 bars destroyed?
Yes
How many were not destroyed?
Three.

James Mark Child:

Are you aware of any particular instance in which gates are oppressive, in your opinion?
From the town of Narberth to the colliery at Bushmore, the property of Sir Richard Phillips, a distance of five miles, there are four gates, all of which you pay. At the last Trust meeting I proposed to my brother magistrates (this is on the Whitland Trust) that one gate should clear another; that we should only pay two gates. They said, “We will wait a day or two;” but they said, “Here is the difficulty, two of the gates are upon the Whitland Trust and the two others are upon the Tavernspite.” I said “Yes; but the Act gives us the power to confer with one another,” and I pointed out the section; and at the same time I said, “Every magistrate, or every man that is now here as a trustee upon the Whitland Trust, is also a trustee upon the Tavernspite Trust, consequently you have only to go through the form of sending the notices required.” A gentleman of the name of Phillips, a very intelligent man in Pembrokeshire, said, “We will wait till I can confer with Lord Cawdor.” I saw him three or four days afterwards; he said, “I have been talking with Lord Cawdor about it, and he thinks it is better not to disturb it, as no person has taken down the gates.” I said, “In my idea that is the very reason why we should interfere, because if it is an oppression and extortion it is better to do it before any step is taken.” He said, “I think we had better not interfere till it is pulled down.” A man had to pay at Plain-dealings Gate 9d., at Lower Narberth Gate 9d., at Kates Hook Gate 9d., and the fourth gate was Begelly; the two former upon the Whitland Trust, and the two latter upon the Tavernspite Trust; and the parish are called upon to maintain the road into the bargain.

Stephen Evans, farmer from Llangendeirne, near Pontyberem:

Should you like to have the tolls done away with, and to have all the roads repaired by the parish?
We do not wish to have the gates done away with, but only to have the bars done away with. The bars were put there rather from spite. They leased the gates there to one person, and we were obliged to pay the utmost farthing in every direction, and we made a little road to go to the mill and to other places without paying the full charge. The trustees have erected bars in every place to catch us; and now they have erected one upon the private road, and one of the neighbours went through toll free; they pulled him up to the Hall and he was obliged to pay half-a-crown fine and 15s. 6d. costs.
What was the name of the man?
William Williams, of Carclover.
When was that?
I believe it was on .
Who were the magistrates who heard that complaint?
I cannot say. They were at the Town Hall. The people went in spite at seeing the man pulled up at such expense, and they went and burnt the house. It was a small house with wheels, and they broke the posts.
And the reason of that house being burnt down was that the man was fined half a crown for breaking it, and 15s. 6d. costs?
Yes.
Do you think they would have done that if the man had only been fined without the costs?
I think not. That is the very thing that caused any disturbance in my neighbourhood. Now they are erecting the Penffoesfelen Bar, but it will be a difficult thing to maintain it. I think it cannot be maintained without a lot of soldiers or police, and it is nothing but spite to the neighbourhood. There is a road comes in at that place. They erect a bar to prevent any one going through. The road comes round from the colliery; the people go there to purchase fire-coal for fuel.
If there was no bar at Benffoesfelen they could come into the road and go seven or eight miles along the road without paying any toll?
If the trustees would not interfere more than for people going to get coal, the people would not complain of it, but they charge for lime and for everything.

Thomas Lloyd, surveyor to the main Trust:

Have you had any gates upon that part of the Trust broken?
Yes.
How many?
There have been three destroyed in my time.
Have they been put up again?
There is one that is not to be put up again.
Which is the gate that has not been put up?
The Mermaid Gate on the Carmarthen side of St. Clear’s village.
Are your turnpike-gates that have been pulled down and put up again watched now by the police?
I cannot say. St. Clear’s has been taken down, and Masholland has been taken down. Masholland is not watched; but there are soldiers at St. Clear’s.
Do you think the thing is dying away?
I think it is dying away in our neighbourhood.
Do you think the gates upon the main Trust will remain standing?
I think so; but there are rumours in the neighbourhood. If you ask a person, “Who told you so?” we can never find out. They say about the village that the people that burn the lime in the lower country threaten the Maesholland Gate.

John Garner, clerk to Llandovery & Lampeter Trust, Llandovery & Langadock Trust, and to the Towy Bridge Branch:

It is stated also that you have 13 gates and side-bars, including one gate on the branch road. Is that the case now?
There were eight gates, but at present there are only seven gates. All the side-bars have been done away with.
How many of them were pulled down by violence?
Four gates were pulled down, and some gates were taken down twice or thrice at different times.
Can you name them?
Dolauhirion was pulled down two or three times.
Does it remain down now?
No, it is up again. The gates were destroyed twice, and the toll-house once.
Are you taking now at the gates nearly as much as you let them fore last year?
No, for several reasons. The Rebeccaites have taken some of them down; and besides, they can evade the gate now by going another way.
Because the side-bars are down?
Yes.
On the Lampeter Trust?
Yes.
Do they evade the tolls much, now that the side-bars are taken down?
Yes, especially there is a gate near Lampeter that belongs to the Tivey Side Trust. Now they go about a mile and a half of road, and evade the gate entirely.
Is the road a good or a very bad road?
Very bad.
What is the toll on that gate that they go round to avoid?
d.
Do you believe that the evasion of those gates is by the servants by the direction of the masters, or that it is done by the servants without the knowledge of the masters, with a view to pocket themselves the toll which they evade?
I think it is often done by the servants without the knowledge of the masters, and also those that drive the cattle take the same advantage.
And the masters for whom they work allow them the toll, although it is not paid?
Yes, that is my opinion; but I cannot say that it is correct. But I can say that it is so with regard to some of them.
Can you form any conjecture what reduction will be made in the receipt of the toll in consequence of the alteration that has taken place in the number of gates. How much do you think you shall lose by it?
I cannot say; but there is a great loss in consequence of the Rebeccaites.

John Garner was joined in his testimony by John Williams, surveyor to the same trusts:

Will the renters of the gates pay the rents they have undertaken to pay, or will they require compensation in consequence of the gates being down?
[JG] They will not get any compensation. The trustees erected the gates as soon as possible after they were taken down.
Are the gates which were taken down under the protection of the constables now?
[JG] Not the whole of them. Some of them are.
[JW] Some of them are totally abandoned.
How many gates and bars are there upon the [Llandovery & Llangadock] road at present?
[JW] There are seven.
How many have been destroyed?
[JW] They have all been destroyed except four.
How many have the trustees put up?
[JW] The trustees have put up three of them again.
Do you think you will be able to maintain those seven?
[JW] Not the whole of them perhaps.
Have you had any application made from the gate-keepers for reductions on account of the gate-breaking?
[JG] Yes, at the last meeting.
What answer did the trustees give to such applications??
[JG] I think they would not give anything to them, because the gate-keeper neglected to employ men to receive the toll when they were taken down. The trustees got the gates up again for them, and the gate-keepers neglected to employ any one to receive the tolls.
How many days were the gates down?
[JW] They were put up in general on the following day, but they could not get any person to remain there the night.

William Thomas Thomas, clerk to the clerk of the Newcastle Trust:

Do you know how many gates have been destroyed?
There are nine gates and bars down altogether; five have been destroyed.

George Rice Trevor, vice-lieutenant of the county of Carmarthen:

Your attention must have necessarily have been directed to the disturbed state of this county, what is your opinion as to the causes which have led to these disturbances?
The causes appear to me to be so numerous, and yet in many cases so trifling, that it is difficult to say which of them predominates. In the first instance, taking a view from the commencement as far as I know, about a year ago this disturbance, with reference to turnpike-gates, first showed itself; that was in the neighbourhood of St. Clear’s, in ; and on that occasion it appeared that the grievance complained of (which I should state is a grievance that was not made a ground of complaint before any of the trustees of the turnpike Trusts, as far as I am aware,) was the existence of one particular gate upon the main Trust road. That gate was repeatedly destroyed. It was at the Mermaid gate, in the immediate neighbourhood of St. Clear’s, about a mile on this side of the Blue Boar. That gate was placed there after the regular notices were given, and no person present at the turnpike meeting at which it was agreed to be put up, raised their voice against the erection of that gate. It was placed there, I believe, in consequence of the representations of the toll-collector, who said that the farmers and persons could come down certain roads to the north side of the turnpike-road, which are parish roads, and that also they could come off the Whitland road, which is a turnpike-road, and they could travel the whole distance to Carmarthen if they chose to stop short of the gate coming into Carmarthen without paying any toll, and he therefore begged to have a gate put there as a catch-gate. That gate was erected, and by some oversight it was not made to clear the gate coming into the town. The consequence was that parties who had heretofore paid but one gate were made to pay two, and of course it caught such people as stopped short of Carmarthen. This gate was, I think, pulled down as many as five or six times. The next gates that I am aware of that were attacked were the gates upon the Whitland road, (a Trust about which I can say but little, as I am not in the least connected with it,) as well as some gates upon the main Trust to the westward of St. Clear’s. Efforts were made, of course, to re-establish those gates; but there was some difference of opinion among the magistrates residing in that district as to the proper mode of restoring peace in that part of the country; some imagining that by talking to the people, and showing them the folly of their proceedings, they might be brought to a state of tranquillity; others thinking that more active measures were necessary. The evil afterwards spread into other parts of the country. The next part that became infected with this disorder was a portion of the county called the Hundred of Elvet, which lies to the northward in a line drawn from this town, or from St. Clear’s up to the Tivey. A great number of gates were pulled down there, as I am informed, and in that case also, as well as in the former, no remonstrances or complaints had ever been made, as far as I am aware, to the trustees of the Trust for removal of any of those gates. I think the next occurrence in point of time was the arrival of a large procession in this town, who came in, many of them, collected by means of threats, and whose appearance here ended in an attack upon the poor-house, which I am inclined to think was not generally the intention of the parties who joined the procession, which was formed some two or three miles from here, and in which procession I understand there were people from very distant parts of the county, some from the neighbourhood of Newcastle, and the rest from the parishes immediately round the town, and towards St. Clear’s and Mydrim. Trelech was one of the parishes from which a great number of people came, a parish about eight miles from here, and Abernant and Newchurch. All this I have obtained from information. I was not in the county at the time, nor at the time when many of the earlier occurrences took place. Then after this attack upon the poor-house I was sent down here by Sir James Graham, and on my arrival here I found it was stated that there was the greatest possible organization existing amongst those parties of “Rebeccas,” as they were called. It was stated, and I believe it to be true, that those men were assembled by signals, by letters put under their doors, and, generally speaking, under some degree of influence from terror. They were threatened with an evil they hardly knew what, but they were told to come upon their peril, and they assembled, generally speaking, to the sound of horns; they were all disguised, and they were partially armed, and their operations seem to have been in this manner — that they came down to the gate which was the point of attack; that they usually surrounded the gate; that they very frequently supplied themselves with tools for the purposes of demolition from some neighbouring smith’s forge; and on some occasions they pressed carpenters to come out with their tools; that they surrounded the gate, and they posted sentries to prevent the approach of strangers, and kept up a sort of irregular fire up and down the road during the time that the gate was being destroyed. In many instances the toll collectors were informed before hand of the approach of Rebecca. A letter was sent to them to say that Rebecca was coming at such a time, and that they had better clear their goods out and get out of the way. Generally, I should say, that there was no violence used to those toll-gate keepers, but in some instances very gross violence was perpetrated. Some of them were beaten; some have been put upon their knees, and forced to promise never to gather toll again. Some have been fired at; the windows have been fired into. This system of gate-breaking spread gradually over the whole of the county, and I do not think now there is any portion of the county where it has not spread more or less. There is not a parish, certainly, where there were turnpike-gates, where those outrages have not taken place.
Do you think that the unwillingness to submit to the payment of the tolls arose from the frequency of the toll demanded, or from the high rate of toll in each instance, or from the demands for payment of toll when the people thought that was not due?
It is difficult for me or for any magistrate to give the Commissioners information upon that subject, for this reason, that no complaints were made; certainly no complaints were ever made before me; but I have heard complaints of parties exacting toll beyond what they were entitled to. Such complaints, I believe, have been made before the magistrates in the Newcastle district, for example, and the parties, when found guilty, fined. I have also been told, with regard to the isolated case of a Trust called the Llandilo Rynnws Bridge Trust, that there perhaps they exacted higher toll than the Act of Parliament authorized. But I should state this, which I believe is pretty notorious, that even farmers in this county, or drovers who use the road very much, are in the habit of evading the toll wherever they can; that there is a positive dislike against paying toll, whether it be high or low. They will go any distance round to avoid a turnpike-gate. That feeling being prevalent, and there being a great number of cross-roads in the country, I believe has led to a very general placing of side-bars upon all the roads.
Do you think those side-bars have been considered as harassing and vexatious?
I do not know it of my own knowledge, but I believe it to be so; but I have never heard a complaint. That has been the difficulty we have had in remedying these evils. But we have now great complaints against the side-bars since they are broken, and therefore it is fair to suppose that that is one of the causes which has led to this disturbance.
Has there been a great increase of those side-bars of late years?
I believe so upon the Trusts in the neighbourhood of lime quarries; but of my own knowledge I know nothing, except with regard to the main Trust road, and a little with regard to the Llandybie, where I used to attend the meetings.
Were there no disturbances and no apparent disaffection till it arose in connexion with the turnpike-gates?
None that I know of. At the time of the Newport riots there were certainly a great number of Chartist emissaries endeavouring to make the best use they could of their lecturing and so on in this county, and we had the satisfaction of believing at that time that they had made very few proselytes. We believed that they had made very little way in those parts of the county where you might have expected that they would have made most, namely, among the colliers. A good many of those hireling orators came from Merthyr, and they made very little progress indeed, and I remember hearing it stated that some of those colliers had threatened to put those fellows down the pit if they did not leave that part of the county.
But the discontent having once been excited by the unwillingness to submit to the payment of toll, did it gradually extend itself to other objects?
Yes; and my belief is that a great deal of the dissatisfaction that has been prevalent in this country has been fostered by the efforts of certain newspapers. I think the articles published in the “Times” newspaper have done the greatest possible injury, and have fomented discord and discontent to a very considerable degree in this county.
Do you believe some of the statements in the “Times” to have been unfounded?
Certainly I believe that to have been the case; I do not know it of my own knowledge, but I have heard of a case connected with a person who is the magistrate’s clerk in this town, and I know that a gross misrepresentation appeared in the paper connected with myself; that was with regard to my magisterial business, in which it was stated, amongst other things, that Mr. Maule, the solicitor to the Treasury, had given out that we ought never to have committed the man. That was completely a gratuitous assumption on the part of the “Times” editor, and it led to my furnishing a contradiction to that statement, though it was not under my own name. Then, after this turnpike business had been going on for a considerable time, we began to hear in complaints against the tithe, which was stated to be exorbitantly high, and much more onerous under the present law than under the old system. We also had complaints made with reference to the Poor Law, and then one heard general complaints as to the weight of rates and taxes, parties stating their own poverty to be so great that they could not pay those imposts. Then there were complaints about the rent, and there were complaints with regard to the magistrates, stating that they were haughty in their manner, and also there were statements of the incapacity of the magistrates in many cases, and a wish expressed that there were stipendiary magistrates instead.
Were there not complaints of the amount of fees taken by the justices’ clerks?
There were also complaints of the amount of fees taken by justices’ clerks, and the payments made to constables for conveying parties to prison.
Do you think that the opinions which were entertained upon these subjects were such as would have led to outrage and outbreak, if they had not been combined with the violence connected with tolls?
I do not know. I think that probably, single-handed, none of those causes would have produced anything like the scenes that we have had here; but they were combined with the very deep state of distress, which certainly has had a good deal to do with it. I think our people are much poorer than they were, and that, in consequence of their suffering from deprivation and from poverty, they have been led to listen to persons who have been active in ascribing their distress to bad government.
Was it not said that the procession which came into Carmarthen, and afterwards attacked the poor-house, on , had its origin in the conviction of some parties for not paying a toll which was alleged to be illegal?
I have heard that it arose out of a conviction which was supposed to be illegal by the parties. As I understand, it was this:— there was a party summoned for non-payment of toll at one of the gates near this town. He was fined, and he refused to pay the fine, and a warrant of distress was issued. Parties were sent to seize, and a riot took place, which ended in the goods being given up; and the constables and special constables returned to the town, having many of them been a good deal ill treated, and all of them threatened and very much abused; and it has been stated that the procession in question was meant to be a demonstration of the force and number of those who were engaged in endeavouring to get rid of turnpike-gates and tolls.
Have you found the magistrates generally during these disturbed times, as active, and as willing to do their duty, as you thought they ought to be?
I think so; taking the whole of the circumstances into consideration, I have seen no desire on the part of the magistrates generally to shrink from performing their duty; but from the beginning I have felt, because I have had ample cause to see it, that we have not had, till quite lately, any proper force in our hands to repress that tumult. The parties creating the disturbance have been organized very completely; they have been armed, — they have been disguised, — they have been in great numbers, and they have by these means, and by means of threatening letters, very generally circulated, create a very complete panic in the public mind; and in consequence of that it has been perfectly impossible to get together in any portion of this county any ten men that you could rely upon to act as constables.
Did the magistrates show an anxiety to swear in constables during these unfortunate disturbances?
They have shown every anxiety to do it, but they have invariably told me what I believe to be strictly true, that it was quite useless to attempt it; and I know that in many cases the people absolutely refused to be sworn at all. In other cases they did not come, and when they did come, in one case they said, “Oh yes, we will be sworn, but we will not go to the gates.”
Would that have been the case, had there been a good understanding between the magistrates and the people generally?
I do not attribute it to the want of a good understanding between the parties. I believe that it is to be attributed entirely to two causes, operating at the same time upon men’s minds, namely, that a great proportion of them sympathized with Rebecca, and wished to get rid of these gates; and the rest were literally afraid for their lives: and I do not believe that if you take other persons who are not in the habit of coming into this town you would hear much complaint of the magistrates not treating persons with civility or with proper regard. I hear it more from people about here than I have heard it in other directions.

Richard Rees, treasurer for the county of Carmarthen, and clerk to the trustees for the Brechfa Trust:

What is the length of that Trust?
21 miles.
How many gates are there?
There were three gates and two side-bars.
Have those gates and side-bars been all destroyed?
They have been all destroyed in the present year, . I cannot answer to the upper one, near Brechfa, being destroyed; but I know there is nothing collected at it.

William Chambers, who coins the term “Rebeccaized”:

Can you give the Commissioners any information with reference to the grievances which are complained of, or the disturbances that have lately occurred, in this county?
There are some grievances which have been remedied, which were the causes of disturbances in the county, I mean particularly in regard to the number of toll-bars. Many of them have been removed by order of the trustees. Some of them were Rebeccaized first of all, and then removed by order of the trustees.…
…Between the Sandy Gate and the town there is also a bar, which is to prevent persons going to the brick-kiln, which is between the Sandy Gate and the town. Persons who would go to the brick-kiln would drive about 300 yards upon the Trust road. This Sandy Gate was Rebeccaized and pulled down, and has been rebuilt. The Furnace Gate was pulled down in the same way and burnt, and that was rebuilt.
Is it your opinion that the farmers are becoming more quiet?
Yes. I attended a public meeting at Llannon, , at the request of the farmers, at which they passed tranquillising resolutions. The relations of John Hughes and David Jones (the men who have been transported) came to me the other day, and asked me to do what I could to get the sentences remitted. I told them it was nonsense their trying to do it at this moment; that, in the face of the attack that was made upon the Sunday, at Pontyberem, in the parish of Llannon, a day or two before, any protestations on their part, that they would be quiet, would not be listened to; that, before they sent up any petition based upon their being tranquil, they must become so in the first instance, and show a disposition to be quiet. I told them that they would all be sworn in as special constables in the whole neighbourhood, every one of them; and then they said, “Could we send a petition to the Queen, to get the punishments of those men mitigated?” I said, “No, I do not think it would be worth while; you had better wait a little. Then, if you are quiet, you perhaps will be attended to.” They said, “We will be quiet if they are held as hostages for good behaviour.”
Have you not had your own or your father’s ricks burnt?
Yes; there have been five fires in one week upon my father’s property, and a horse shot; and I had some machinery at a pit, that was broken and thrown into the pit twice.
Do you think that the readiness to be sworn in as special constables arises from the hope of getting off those people who have been sentenced?
Yes, that is the real reason. It is not from their great love of their country, but they feel the inconvenience of these disturbances, inasmuch as a great number of the farmers upon whom black-mail has been levied do not like the paying part, especially in these distressed times; and I am sure that many of them, in the parish of Llannon, are exceedingly glad that those men have been transported.
What do you mean by “black-mail” having been levied?
They used to write a note to a man to say “You must send such and such contribution to Rebecca, on such a night.” That was received by the Rebecca of the night, and then he paid the labourers who went out at night to break the gates. He paid them 2s. 6d. a-night.
How have you ascertained this?
From farmers who told me that they had paid the money.
How did you ascertain that the leaders in the riots had paid the labourers 2s. 6d. a-night?
From men who have been present at the breaking of the gates. Farmers who have been present at the breaking of the gates told me that the labourers who went there received 2s. 6d. a-night.
Those who did the working part?
Yes. A neighbour of mine heard a farmer and a collier fighting; and the collier struck the farmer, and he swore at him, and said, “Damn you, do you think I will go out to be shot for you for 2s. 6d. a-night any more?” This was lately, when they began to quarrel among themselves.
Are not those observations likely to arise henceforth, in any disputes that may arise between the farmers and their servants?
Yes, there is no doubt about that. I have no doubt that things will come out on the changing of servants. I know in my own district, if I could get evidence, almost every man that was at the breaking of the gates; but you cannot get them to give evidence. But there is no doubt they had a great deal to complain of in the erection of those gates; but the influence that such men as that John Jones, or Scybor Vowr, got over the minds of the farmers arose from his having been employed by them in that way; and, being rather a sharper fellow, the others all felt that they were in his power, and then he ran riot over that part of the country. He went to a farmer’s house, lived there as long as he pleased, and knew a man that he went to (a farmer), and because he would not go out at night, he went to him, and cocked his gun at him, and said, “Now, if you do not go out at night, I will shoot you;” but the man did not go. There were some others of his friends behind, who said, “Come on, and leave the fool alone;” and he went away; but he threatened to shoot at this man; and he did shoot another man because he offended him. He was the most despotic governor that they ever had.

Madock Jones, clerk to the Llandilo and Llandybie Trust:

What is the length of the road??
About 37 miles.
What number of gates?
Five now.
How many have been destroyed?
Four have been destroyed, and there is one discontinued now.
How many were there altogether before the destruction?
Seven.

John James Stacey, clerk to the main Trust, again:

I find that I misinformed the Commissioners as to William Lewis having been fined for having put up a bar. I saw yesterday the brother of the man who brought the information against him. He told me that his brother took out a summons; his wife attended, who of course could not prove the contents, and the thing was compromised by Lewis paying the expenses and giving some trifle to the wife; and so the matter dropped. The man came to me to ask me what he had better do, for that Lewis had set up the bar again without any authority, and demanded toll thereat. There are three toll-gates upon the line that have been destroyed by the mob, and he cannot collect toll at the place where he has a right to do it, and so he puts it up there.

Philip Griffith Jones, clerk to the magistrates for Carmarthen:

Will you now turn to the conviction of Thomas and Harris, and the other people from Tallog, who were convicted of evading toll at the Water Street Gate?
Henry Thomas, toll collector, against John Harris. The cause of complaint originated a day or two after the Water Street Gate had been taken down, and the conviction took place a week after that. The complainant swore that “On the defendant brought to Water Street Gate, in this town, a cart and one horse; I asked him for the toll; he said if he would pay the toll he was in danger of his house being set on fire, and he had no other objection to the toll. I said, If you won’t pay I must have your name, to which he said he had no objection but fear of his house being set on fire. He gave his name, but did not pay the toll. The defendant put in a letter as the ground of his defence, by which he was intimidated and induced not to pay.” He admitted that he had not paid the toll. He was then fined 40s., and 8s. 6d. costs. The costs were these:— information 1s., summons 1s., hearing 1s., service three miles distance 3s., conviction 2s. 6d. The conviction was very long indeed. In the second case against Thomas he made the same defence. He produced a letter, saying that he was intimidated.
Did he offer to pay the toll?
No; he never offered to pay the toll.
Is 40s. the extreme penalty?
No; I think it is 5l. for evading tolls. The third case was Samuel Bowens. The case against him was this:— The complainant was sworn, and stated, “On the defendant brought a cart and one horse to Water Street Gate; I asked him for the toll; he said if he was to pay he was afraid his house would be set on fire; he did not pay the toll, but said he was afraid; he was afraid his life would be taken from him, and that he had no other objection against paying; he passed through without paying the toll.” Then the defendant says,— “He saw a notice on a door of a stable at Blaenycoed village, saying that the lives of all persons paying tolls at Water Street Gate would be taken from them. He has no farm of his own, but lives with his father.” They would not pay the penalties, and we were obliged to enforce them. They said, if distresses are sent upon our goods we will pay them, but not till then.
When those men were before the magistrates they were not contumacious about it; they merely presented those letters, and said that this was the reason why they did not pay the toll?
Yes, they were not at all contumacious.
Was not 40s. rather a high penalty?
It was done after the gates were taken down; and unless the magistrates had taken it with a high hand there is no telling what would have been the consequence.
Then there was no allegation on the part of the defendants that the object was to try the right to the particular amount of toll that had been demanded?
Nothing of the kind; I heard exactly what they stated; I was rather particular in taking their statement at the time.
Were there any refusals after that conviction?
Not one, till the gate had been put up there there was not one.
Do you happen to know whether this was before or after the toll had been reduced at the Water Street Gate?
The toll had not been reduced at that time. I believe it has been reduced subsequently.
Were there many other informations for evading the toll about this time?
Not one.

John Davies, clerk to Carmarthen & Lampeter and Tivy Side Trusts:

How many turnpike-gates and bars are there altogether upon your Trust?
Six gates and three bars.
Has Rebecca been amongst them at all?
Yes, and destroyed them every one.
When they were destroyed did the trustees put them up again?
Not at first. The one they broke first they put that up, and it was broken down again in the course of a few weeks.
Have they put them all up?
No; the Glan-gwili they left pulled down till they could see something settled.

Richard B.P. Phillips, member of Parliament for Haverfordwest, and “the Lord-Lieutenant” of the county:

Has any turnpike-gate been destroyed in the neighbourhood of Haverfordwest?
One has been destroyed; it is called the Haroldston Gate, on the Pembroke Ferry Trust. That has been re-erected, and no attempt has since been made to destroy it.

John Henry Phillips, magistrate for Pembroke county, and trustee on the Whitland Trust.

Do you remember a turnpike-gate keeper, and some man who assisted him, who were said to have assaulted some persons intending to evade the toll, having actions brought against them?
Yes. I will state the history of that affair. These riots had taken place; the gates had been pulled down; the attention of a great number of people had been called to these gates who had never before taken a part in the Trust. After this riot had taken place a trustee, Mr. Baugh Allen, wrote to me. He said, “There is going to be a meeting at St. Clear’s for the purpose of rescinding the original order for erecting those gates;” and he said, “It seems to me mischievous; you, as a magistrate, may qualify and attend; if you think so, will you come and oppose it?” On this representation, thinking that to have a meeting to rescind the order for the erection of the gates, subsequently to the riot and the demolition, was giving the sanction of the magistrates and gentlemen to that mode of getting rid of the gates, I went up upon that occasion to St. Clear’s, and qualified as trustee in order to oppose it. I merely went up there because I thought that it would have a bad effect if, after people destroyed the gates forcibly, the trustees met and officially rescinded the order for their erection. Therefore I went up with Mr. Allen. The resolution for rescinding the gates was brought forward, and I think I moved a counter resolution, that we should take the opinion of the Attorney-General, or something of that sort, merely in order to stave it off; but I was left in a minority of six out of a great number; and I remember Bullen, the tollkeeper, at the time said, “You will not be able to keep a gate in the country after this.” I agreed with the majority of the trustees in thinking that those gates ought not to have been erected; but having been erected, I thought that they ought not to have been got rid of in that way. But I was left in a minority of six; and after having done that I came away. But I hear a complaint made of an order in the minutes of the Trust for defending the constables at the expense of the Trust; and I find in the minutes of the Trust, in the account of that meeting, that of course my name is down as having been present at that; but there is not a word said of a counter resolution. I find that an order, of which I have hardly any recollection, was given for defending the constables; but I think it was almost part of the bargain with Bullen, for which he gave up his gates. They were obliged to come to some agreement with him, as he was the lessee of the tolls; and there was a committee appointed to award a sum which they considered a fair compensation for giving up those gates; and I think that defence of the constables was a part of the stipulation, so that it was a consideration for having the gates removed. There is one great difficulty which has been felt in this country, with respect to which I made a suggestion to the Under Secretary through my brother-in-law, the member for Carmarthenshire. I allude to the difficulty we have in getting compensation from the hundred, indeed the impossibility, according to Mr. Evans’s law, in cases under 30l. He thinks that, where the damage done is under 30l., the Trust cannot get compensation from the hundred; and, therefore, the expenses of repairing the gates must be met by themselves.
What is Mr. Evans’s difficulty about that?
The difficulty is, that the Trust may sue and be sued; but cannot, like an individual, make an application before a magistrate. It is a technical difficulty; but it is one to which we have submitted. Some months ago I wrote to my brother-in-law to suggest, as the Government were bringing in a Bill, that some clause should be inserted upon that subject; but his answer was, that Mr. Manners Sutton said that the Bill was not upon that subject. If the people had understood that by breaking the gates they were damaging themselves, that would have had as good an effect in stopping the breaking as anything could have had. In consequence of Mr. Evans’s opinion, there was an opinion taken from the law officers of the Crown; and they divided their answer into two parts. It was said that the lessee could be described as the party damnified; but that they did not think that they could get compensation under 30l. That was their opinion as far as I could understand it.
Then Mr. Evans considered that all damage under 30l. is irrecoverable; that the right of action against the hundred is done away with when the damages are under 30l.; and that the means of enforcing a remedy where the damage is under 30l. will not apply to the trustees?
Yes. I should incline to say decidedly that the difficulty with regard to compensation from the hundred ought to be removed. I do not know whether the Legislature mean to say that in cases under 30l. there ought to be no remedy; but if they do not mean that, the difficulty ought to be removed. The trustees are asked, “Why do not you put up the gates again?” The answer is, that where the funds are very small they cannot afford it. The mere putting up a gate will cost 7l. or 8l., and perhaps it will be down again in a fortnight; and where the funds are very small they cannot afford it. It is clear that the state of the law at present is rather holding out a premium to rioters. I think that one mode of relieving the farmers with respect to the payment of tolls which is worth consideration is, by allowing the farmers of the parish, who perform labour upon the roads within the parish, to compound for the tolls at a lower rate.

Saunders Davies, member of parliament:

Were there any gates pulled down in Cardigan?
Yes, three were pulled down in that Trust; one at the New Inn, about 12 miles from Cardigan, between Cardigan and Aberystwith; the other two gates were close to the town of Cardigan.

Charles Arthur Pritchard, a magistrate of Cardiganshire:

Has your attention been much drawn to the causes of the disturbances which have so unhappily prevailed in this and adjoining counties?
It has; for they happen to have been more about my residence than in any part of the country.
In what way has the evil shown itself?
In various outrages, such as large bodies going about disguised and attacking the house of Dr. Jones and others.
What has been thought to be the cause of the outrage upon Dr. Jones?
Dr. Jones was a man rather free in his remarks; he said that he knew this man and that man, and that he would have them punished. He did not mean any harm, but I think that was the real cause of the attack upon his house, by which he himself was very nearly killed, for he went to the window and they fired at him.
Did they fire a bullet?
It appeared to me as if an old iron pot had been broken into pieces and put into the gun; and in the parlour there were a great many of those pieces upon the wall and on the floor, and Mrs. Jones was unfortunately there, and she is an English woman, unaccustomed to these riots.
They do not prevail generally in this country, do they?
I never heard of them, and I have lived here 25 years; they are generally as quiet and inoffensive a people as can possibly be.
Do you speak Welsh?
Only a little; enough to find my way about the country.
What was it, in your opinion, that led to the outrages upon the turnpike-gates?
The first attack upon the gates was in Pembrokeshire, and of course we all knew that such things were going on, and if the magistrates in Cardiganshire had been more active, I think we might have suppressed them. It was publicly known that they were going to attack the gates in Cardiganshire on a particular night, and I volunteered to go out with 20 men. I think 20 resolute men would have stopped them; that if 20 such persons had gone they would have run away. From what I could learn, I should say that the people were led on by three strangers who came into the neighbourhood of Cardigan, and who we knew were there at that time.
Were the names of those persons known?
I have tried to find out their names. I was in that neighbourhood lately, making inquiries of the people, but they said they did not know their names. I said to them, “You must have known their names, for you saw them every day;” their reply was, “We did see them occasionally, but we do not know their names.” Those men came down into this country, and I have no doubt worked up the people to attack the gates.
Can you form any conjecture as to whence they came?
Not for certain; it is merely from report that I can say anything; they are supposed to have come from some part of Carmarthenshire or from the Whitland district, the same two men were at Cardigan who were afterwards at the Aberdare Gate; one is a tall man and the other a short man, that is well known, and the same people seem to have gone through the country afterwards.
You say that it was publicly known that there would be an attack upon the gates. Upon what authority do you say that?
Three or four of my tenants came to me one day bringing with them notices, which notices were, — If you do not attend at such and such a place to night we will burn your house down, and they asked me what I would advise them to do, and I said, I would not go if I were you on any account, and they said they would not go, they would rather be murdered in their beds than go out.
Did they go out?
No, I do not think any of my tenants went out.
Do you think that there was any sympathy on the part of farmers with those people who attacked the gates?
Yes; at that time there was, but since that they have changed their feelings.
The farmers’ labourers were engaged in those outrages, were they not?
Yes, and young boys; they went for a lark.
Do you think that there is still a very bad spirit afloat?
Yes, I think it is the same as ever it was; I am speaking of my own immediate neighbourhood.
The same disposition to violence?
Yes, I am quite sure that if the police were removed from here and the troops from the different stations, there would be the same violence if not more; that is my own private opinion and the opinion of many other persons.
From what do you suppose that?
From conversation; I should say that they are merely checked by fear of the soldiers and police.
Suppose that that check were removed, seeing that the turnpike-gates are most of them removed, in what way would the outbreak show itself?
All the gates are down in the Cardigan Trust except one, and they have been down three or four months, but some are to be replaced immediately. There is a gate near this town in the Cardigan Trust that I am sure they would pull down if it were put up again. The tolls are reduced one-half, and the grievances the people complained of are removed.
The third toll is felt to be a grievance, is it not?
We have got rid of that; but the complaints they make are of this character. A farmer, who lives on the outside of this gate, wants the gate removed to the other side of his house; the consequence of that would be, that the next farmer would want the same, and there is no pleasing them. I had a letter lately put into my hands signed “Rebecca,” which I gave to one of the policemen, in order to endeavour to recognise the writing, threatening to pull down the gate if it were put up again. Several of the farmers now say they are very sorry that the gates are down, because they could get their lime and coal with great ease, and they did not pay more than 10s. or 12s. a year, and now they shall have to pay some pounds. I am speaking of the most reasonable farmers.
They would rather have the tolls than have to maintain the roads themselves?
Reasonable men would, because they get a certain allowance from the Trust, and that is paid to the parish officers and expended upon the road.
Do they pay the men by the day or by the load?
Some are paid by the day and some are paid by the load; many are paid by the load. There is another very great cause of complaint — the tithe, and unfortunately I am very much concerned in that. A friend of mine, Major Rice, who is now abroad, appointed me trustee to manage his affairs with another gentleman in Carmarthenshire, and this Major Rice owns a portion of the tithes in the parish of Pembryn. The chief accusation has been against the clergyman of that parish, and I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that it is in fact an attack upon the church; there is no doubt of that in my opinion, because they have been so very angry with the clergyman, and he is one of the most inoffensive men in the country. He is a man who has been educated at one of the Universities; he came to my house and told me he expected to be murdered, and on one occasion I had the marines at his house from 11 at night till 5 the next morning, and I know as a fact, that the people had assembled to do him an injury, because I saw myself one or two in disguise, and when we got near the place lights were thrown up and horns were blowing, but after we came up they were as quiet as possible. I have myself received several threatening letters. Owing to this the clergyman has not been able to get one shilling of his tithes; he wanted me to assist him as trustee, but I did not like to provoke the people. I was in hopes they would come round, but we cannot go on any longer; we must take some proceedings. There was a request made by the parishioners to meet them and take into consideration the state of the tithes. We met them, and offered them a reduction of 167l. The people were very violent, and one or two got up as spokesmen for the rest, and said, “We will not pay even if you give us 20 or 50 or 100 per cent.” I said, “Then you do not mean to pay anything.” Some of the party said, “Oh yes we do,” and they cried the man down. There was a shout at first, “We will not take any reduction at all, we will have it on our own terms.” They wanted to have it 2s. in the pound. I said, “I suppose you mean upon the landlord’s rent.” They said, “No, we mean on the parish rate.” Now the habit is to value on two-thirds of the rent.

Edward Lloyd Williams:

Has the clergyman got his tithe?
He has been paid by some; in fact the clergyman has been afraid to ask for it, for he has had soldiers in his house; they have threatened his life, and that was the state of the parish when I got them to meet, and I wrote to the Secretary of State, anticipating that mischief would happen; it was before the country was excited, but I knew that it was a very excitable parish, suggesting that if a short Act could be introduced for the purpose of opening commutations where manifest error or fraud could be proved, it would appease a great deal of the feeling that existed in many places. The parish are paying a great deal more now under this rent-charge, to say nothing of the difference in the average, than they did before when they had the option of paying in kind.

Herbert Vaughan, magistrate of Cardiganshire:

…I think the turnpike gates were an excuse for the disturbance, but that the real cause was something deeper than that. Now they have gone to the weir and attacked that. I was told immediately after that a stranger came into that neighbourhood and located himself at one of the houses in the parish of Mount, and soon after that the people took down the weir.
Have you any idea who he is?
No, I have not; I saw him in the town, and marked him, but of course I could do nothing. The morning after the New Inn turnpike gate was taken down he went off, and the Monday night following the other gate was taken down. He used generally to go into the blacksmith’s shop, or any place of that kind, and talk of the people’s grievances. He said they ought to have more for their labour, and other things; he was a remarkably well dressed man. I saw him in a church, and asked who he was, and they said he is lodging with So and so; I did not think much of it at the time, and I saw him again, and then I asked who he was, and they said he walks about the sea-shore a good deal. I have not the slightest doubt that he organized this party hereabouts; he was in Cardigan for some time, and the very next morning after the attack upon the gates I saw him in a regular blackguard dress; he wore one of those loose velvet jackets, and his boots were of the commonest description, nailed and laced, and dirty, as if he had been at some work; he went that week from Cardigan, and was traced up the road to the New Inn.
Do the people with whom he lodged know anything about him?
No; I do not think he let them know.

Lewis Evans, treasurer of the Cardigan Trust:

What number of gates have you upon the Trust?
Only one now; we had ten, but nine have been pulled down.

Richard Jenkins:

…In this case it is a tax upon industry: it prevents parties from manuring their land as they would otherwise do; and if that [Cardigan] gate were to be rebuilt there, I do not believe they would be able to keep it up without having the military or police constantly to watch it. When the gate came down I happened to be mayor, and I could not get the people to act.

The Rev. Eleazar Evans:

I merely wish to state that I have been exceedingly annoyed, and my life threatened in the parish, for a long time; I cannot conceive for what cause; merely because I wished to demand what has been my due. I have letters in my pocket which I have received, most shameful letters, and my life has been really miserable for months past, and if I am not protected of course I must leave.
Have you with you any of the threatening letters that you have received?
I have.
What do they indicate?
They desire me to give back the money that was subscribed to the school-room, as otherwise I should be destroyed and ruined in my property and everything. I subscribed 15l. a-year myself towards the school-room.
Will you read the threatening letters you have received?
This is dated . It is in Welch: “Reverend sir, — I, with one of my daughters, have lately been on a journey to Aberaron, and amongst other things have heard many things respecting you, namely, that you have built a school-room in the upper part of the parish, and that you have been very dishonest in the erection of it, and that you promised a free school for the people, but that you have converted it into a [Church of England] church, and that you get 80l. by the year for serving it. Now if this is true, you may give the money back, every halfpenny of it, otherwise, if you do not, I with 500 or 600 of my daughters will come and visit you, and destroy your property five times to the value of it, and make you a subject of scorn and reproach throughout the whole neighbourhood. You know that I care nothing about the gates, and you shall be like them exactly, because I am averse to every tyranny and oppression.” That is signed “Rebecca and her daughters.”
What is the purport of the letter which you now hold in your hand?
This is upon a different subject, it is signed “Becca,” and dated “.” It is not very intelligible, it is in very bad Welch: “I send you this letter in Welch that you may understand it in the language in which you were born.” They request me to send back the advance in tithes and the law expenses by such a day, and that Becca and her daughters are sure to take notice of me if I do not do so; that Becca had found a place for my body, and they desired me to find a place for my soul, and the place for my body was to be at the end of the National Whore, that is at the end of the Established Church, that is the title they give to it; and that I have been a great oppressor since I have been in office; and then they refer me to the 6th chapter of the book of Judges, and the 27th and 28th verses, which is the account of “Gideon taking ten men of his father’s house and throwing down the altar of Baal, and because he was afraid to do it by day he did it by night, and when people got up in the morning the altar of Baal was cast down and the grove was cut down that was by it, and the second bullock was offered upon the altar that was built.” The meaning I suppose was, that the men were coming to destroy my house, and I was intended for the second bullock, because my curate had been attacked; and they desired me to read much of the Old Testament, to see whether my conduct was like that of Pharaoh, and that I had doubled the tasks of the people. “Do not you suppose that I am an idle old woman. I have not been brought up in idleness, nor do I bring up my daughters in idleness, and I am determined to have justice done, in spite of the world, the flesh, and the devil,” signed “Becca.” That is the substance of it, and then at the bottom it is addressed, “To the Minister of the National Whore.” I also received an English letter between those two letters, which is in the possession of the Inspector-General of the Post-Office.
How long have you been in that parish?
15 years.
Has any conjecture been formed as to the writer of that second letter?
Yes, it is strongly suspected who the man is, but I do not know his writing; he has had a little better education than most, having been in a family where a little attention was paid to him. I have been obliged in consequence of this to sell my farm and stock and everything I had except my household furniture, and the day of my sale that man was there, and he summoned the parishioners to come to a meeting at the New Inn against my tithes, otherwise if they did not go there they should be destroyed, and their houses should be burnt.
How did he summon them, by word of mouth?
Yes, he said he was there as a delegate.
By whom was he delegated?
There is not the least doubt by Rebecca; who Rebecca is it is difficult to find out.
You think it did not originate from himself?
No, I am certain it did not; he must have been put on by somebody.
Have you any idea by whom?
By the farmers.
Do you mean to say that he publicly threatened to burn the houses?
He threatened that they must abide the consequences if they did not come, and some he threatened to burn. I have seen a letter to a tenant in the parish who held a little land of me, part of the glebe, that unless he attended he should be burnt.
Was that letter written by that man?
By somebody, I cannot say; it was written from St. Clear’s, and demanding that man to give up the land to me, saying that they were coming to destroy him because he did not give up the land.
Can any evidence be produced to show that this man had threatened any persons if they would not attend the meeting?
There is not the least doubt that there could if they were willing to give evidence. And more than that, he demanded something for his trouble, 1l. from each of the people.
Who are the magistrates near you?
Mr. Jordan is the only magistrate near me; he lives close to me. My house was threatened to be attacked, and he came to the house to protect it.
Do you keep fire-arms?
I only keep a gun for shooting crows.
Have you any police in your parish?
Yes, and military.
Was that upon your application?
No, I suppose it was done by the magistrate; the people met three nights successively.
Has Mr. Jordan seen those letters?
Yes.
Has he ever taken possession of them for the purpose of following it up and trying to discover the authors of them?
No, he took possession of the letter that was written to my tenant and Mr. Saunders Davies has it, but Mr. Saunders Davies himself came up to the parish and called his tenants together. They were the principal tithe-payers, to me at least more than half, and reasoned with them, and said that they might rely upon it that the law was powerful enough to meet them in the end; that they must consider that, the obligation was upon the land and not upon themselves; that if they did not pay he must pay; and then they said they would not pay more than 2s. in the pound, (I do not know whether they said on the assessment of the parish or on the rack-rent,) otherwise the people from Carmarthenshire would come and burn them down. Of course that showed at once that they were in league with some persons somewhere. With respect to the amount of tithe I have with me a valuation of the parish by the parishioners themselves to the county stock 2112l.; the gross amount of tithe commuted is 240l.; that will amount to 2s. 3d. in the pound, and I believe 2l. 18s. more.
Were the tithes paid with tolerable willingness before this addition was made to them?
They were paid till the last six years, but not since that; in the last six years I am certain, I have been losing at least 6s. in the pound regularly by long credit.
Do you ultimately get the whole sum?
No, I have lost a great deal; I have lost since I came to the parish nearly 400l.
Is that by persons refusing?
No, by not paying; they would not actually refuse to pay, but I did not like to go to law for it.
It was not from open avowed resistance to the payment that you lost that sum of money?
No, they did not actually say that they would not pay; but I gave up the tithes rather than go to law for them.
The people now refuse to pay?
Yes.
What reason do they give?
That they should be destroyed by the people of Carmarthenshire if they paid according to the present average.
Do you believe that to be an excuse, or to be the real reason?
I believe it to be the real reason in many cases.
Do you believe that there is any system of terror?
Yes, I do, because some who have paid me, have paid me under a charge of secrecy; and another thing I should state, that I gave them back 2s. in the pound because the times were hard, and I would take no advantage of the rise in the average. In the last three years I have paid 37l. and received only 27l. I have paid 10l. 16s.d. more than I have received for my tithes. I believe there is a promise that they will pay me some to-morrow, but I do not know whether they will pay. I have not asked for what is due to Michaelmas, but only up to Lady-day.
Do you think that the evil disposition which is afloat in your parish, and which you have been made the victim of, diminishes at all?
I do not think it does; they are only kept under by the military and police.

Thomas Jones, of Llangranog:

Have you had much disturbance in your parish?
Yes.
Have you any turnpike-gate in your parish?
Yes, it was made on my premises; it was nothing to me, because I did not pay anything. The turnpike-road from Cardigan to Aberystwith went through the middle of my farm.
Is the gate now pulled down?
Yes.
Who pulled it down?
I do not know; they say that it was Rebecca, but who Rebecca is I do not know.
Did you see it pulled down?
No.
What did the people say who pulled it down?
They said it was not right to remove the gate to the place where it had been removed to. The farmers go to fetch culm and lime as manure from the shore, and they say that they took the gate about a mile from the place where it was before to this place to catch those farmers because the other gate was not on their way when they came from the shore.
Have you received any threats from Carmarthenshire, that if you pay the tithe it shall be worse for you?
I have never received a threatening letter.
Are you under any fear that, if you pay the tithes to the clergyman, people will come and attack you?
No.
Do you feel at liberty to pay what is justly due if you please?
Yes; but I think that it is very heavy.

James Morris, John Williams, and Mr. Smith:

Have you ever summoned the toll gate-keeper for exacting an illegal toll?
[JM] Yes, I have.
When was he summoned?
[JW] Thomas George was summoned for the non-payment of toll.
[MS] The toll-keeper was John Davis, and the magistrate adjudicated in favour of the toll-taker. I will explain what the circumstances were:– the trustees, in the first instance, after the erection of Catherine-row, put a chain there, seeing that several houses were licensed there as public-houses that had stables attached to them which took in horses and carts, and the gate stood below the row, so that the inhabitants of Catherine-row were obliged to pay going up and likewise to pay coming down.
Was there more than one payment?
[MS]I believe so; it was understood that they were obliged to pay at both. One Thomas George, a respectable farmer, came one Saturday-morning, and seeing a chain there, told the girl that stood at the chain, “There is no sign or anything here, I will pay at the old gate where I have been in the habit of paying;” “No,” she said, “You must pay here.” This farmer taking hold of one end of the chain, and the girl of the other, the neck of the padlock gave way, and for the breaking of that he was summoned before the magistrate, not for non-payment of the toll, and it was suggested by the magistrate, that if he paid for the lock the thing might be settled; at the same time, the sitting magistrate observed, that he was a very proper subject to make an example of.
The toll-keeper has never been summoned for exacting what you considered an illegal toll?
[MS] No, that has never been done.

John Hughes, surveyor to Aberyslwith Trust:

How many turnpike-gates have you upon your road?
Eleven.
Does that include side-bars?
There is one side-bar at Lampeter; that is a little distance from the gate, and that should be added, that makes 12; but there are 100 toll-houses.
Of those how many have been attacked?
Four; the Lampeter, Tregaron, and Llanon toll-houses and gates destroyed; but the gate only at Aberyron destroyed. With respect to the side-bars at Lampeter and Llanon, the trustees came to the resolution to remove them, and also resolved to take away the Cromystwyth Gate, within two miles of the extreme end of the county, on the road to Rhayader.
What do you believe to the the loss by the disturbances?
I should say 500l. or 600l. a year.

John Hughes, lawyer:

…The tolls have been reduced from 1½d. to 1d. a horse; the country did not expect that, and they are very much pleased with it; it was done because our gates were in jeopardy, and it had the effect of quieting the country.…

Lloyd Phillips, chairman of the board of guardians:

Are you at all acquainted with the circumstances which led to the destruction of Llannon Gate?
I am.
What were they?
There was a side gate there, which I do not think ought to have been there. A person of the parish of Llanarth, wrote a letter to the clerk of the magistrates at Aberaeron, begging him to call a meeting of magistrates to hear these grievances, and the meeting was called, but, before we had the meeting, both gates were taken down, but not the toll-house. Of course we held that meeting, and we did away with the side gate, though it had been taken down; the magistrates were aware of this. We had a meeting here, and lowered the toll on a horse from 1½d. to 1d., and on a cart from 4d. to 3d.; carriages the same as they were before. We lowered the toll on cattle going through to one half, and we put down lime carriage free; notwithstanding that deduction they went immediately and pulled down the toll-house.
Was it publicly known that you had proposed to do away with the toll on lime?
Yes, I had mentioned it myself.

David Oliver, acting treasurer of the Rhyader and Llangerig turnpike Trust:

Have either of the gates been pulled down?
The upper gate was pulled down in , and it was put up again the next day.
Is it now standing?
It is, but it is continually watched by the Montgomeryshire police force.
Was any attempt made to pull down the other gate near this town?
Yes, an attempt was made, but they were interrupted by the gate-keeper.

Harry Lingen, London barrister who sometimes resides in Rhayader:

Were you resident in this neighbourhood when the disturbances took place respecting turnpike-gates?
I was.
Have you had opportunities of forming any opinion as to what it was that led to those disturbances?
There appeared to be a general feeling in the country that they were labouring under great grievances of different kinds. I do not by any means attribute it altogether to the turnpikes, for there are many other things that they feel to be grievances; the chief cause, perhaps, is the great depression that they are suffering under, but the turnpikes were a tangible thing for them to lay hold of.
Your opinion is, that the extreme poverty of the farmers rendered them desirous of throwing over any payments that they could get rid of, provided they thought that those payments were harshly or unjustly demanded?
Precisely.
Was it under that feeling, and hearing what had taken place in other parts, that they were led to make an attack upon the turnpike-gates here?
No doubt of it.
Are there any particular circumstances relating to the turnpike-gates at Rhayader which excited the disturbances hereabouts?
Yes, I think so. There are six entrances into the town of Rhayader, and a gate at every entrance, and a toll-bar besides, so that the town was completely surrounded; and what makes the grievance a great deal worse is that three of those gates were upon roads that are in a most abominable state, and which have never had any outlay whatever upon them; one of them is under indictment now. I indicted it myself four years ago; that is the old road to Llanidloes.
Have you any other observations to make?
It has unfortunately happened, that we have not been able to agree with the authorities in the place as to the proper means that should be taken to restore peace and order in the district; all have the same end in view, but we differ in the way in which it is to be carried into effect. The authorities have been determined to carry their point with a high hand, and we are satisfied that grievances exist, the getting rid of which is a sine quâ non to the restoration of the district to its former state. We consequently advised concession, that advice has been disregarded, but neither of us has been able to convince the other of error. Now as a part of the proceedings here, I do not state this at all with an intention of showing that intentional wrong has been done, but I do say that the magistrates have acted with indiscretion in reference to these late disturbances, and in one case I would mention that a man in this town was seized by a magistrate without a warrant and taken from his team, and his team left in the middle of the street to take care of itself; the offence for which he was seized was passing through the gate without paying toll. It has been charged against us that we have frustrated their intentions, and to some extent, a limited one, I would plead guilty to the charge, but I say this, that although the magistrates, by following the course that they have been endeavouring to pursue, may have done what would appear to heal the wound, yet if the cicatrice were examined it would be found festering in the core; we have been desirous of performing a radical cure by removing the cause of the disease. Now this is part of what we content is bad policy in the magistrates using such means as I have just alluded to; this state of extraordinary coercion is working badly in this district. This very case I allude to has done the magistrates more harm in the opinion of the people than I can describe to you.
What was the case to which you allude?
I would rather that the party himself should state it. Another thing that I think we should speak of is what appears to us improper, if not vindictive, towards the hundred of Rhayader. On , this present month, four gates in this neighbourhood and one toll-house were destroyed, and almost immediately proceedings were adopted against the hundred for a much larger sum than the damage could really have come to. That we think a very great hardship, and particularly when the toll-house destroyed was really a disgrace to a public body such as the trustees to put a human being with his family to reside in.

John Jones:

Were you taken up for passing through the gate without paying toll?
Yes, the gate was broken down on the night that we passed, and I told the person there I would pay at the gate I had been used to pay at.
How did you get through?
The gate was wide open.
You did not open it yourself?
No.
What took place when you came down into the town?
Nobody asked me at the gate where I was used to pay.
Did anybody stop you afterwards?
No.
Did you go home?
Yes.
What charge have you against anybody?
We were fined in Rhayader for doing that.
When?
About a week after.
Before what magistrate did you go?
Before Mr. Whitaker.
Was any other magistrate present?
Yes, Mr. [David] Oliver.
What passed when you were before the magistrates?
We were fined 26s. for not paying the gate. I had hauled 100 loads of lime, and nobody had asked me at that other gate before.
Was that gate where you were in the habit of paying down?
No, it was up; nobody asked me to pay.
You pay when you come back?
Yes, and the gate was up; it was 11 o’clock.
Did you not know that the gate was pulled down till you got back to it?
Yes, somebody on the road told me it was broken down before I came.
(To Mr. Oliver.)—What is the explanation of this case?
[David Oliver] Mr. Jones went through this gate; he was on his way to the Radnor lime-kilns, 26 miles off; when he went through the gate, the first gate was up, and he brought down his load of lime, and in his way up he met somebody who told him the gate had been broken down; he passed through that gate, and then when he came to the gate at the lower end he refused to pay.
(Mr. Jones.) I did not refuse, nobody asked me for toll at that gate before. I said I will do anything that is fair; that is what I told the collector.
(Mr. Oliver.) This man has been dealt with very leniently; he was fined upon this for refusing to pay; he was coming up a second time through the gate, and in his way up he and another, when they came to the gate, took the liberty of breaking the gate open, and breaking the lock; that was the charge sworn to before us, and the lock was produced and put upon the table.
(To Mr. Jones.)—Did you hear that sworn to?
No. I did not.
(To Mr. Oliver.)—At the time this charge was made, and the lock was put upon the table before you, and it was sworn that this man and the other man had broken the lock, was this man present?
He was. I prevailed upon Mr. Whittaker to join me in not inflicting the second fine, but fining him upon the first, and excusing him upon the second ground that it was a very different charge breaking the lock. I said I think these people have done it in ignorance, and therefore the fine was upon the first charge.
(Mr. Jones.) The boys broke that lock in the night.
Did you find the gate open when you went through the second time?
The little girl had shut the gate against me.
What did you do?
I only touched the chain and the lock fell in two.
You opened the gate?
The gate did open, and I did take sheep through the town and paid the gate, and they tried to fine me 5l. after.
(Mr. Oliver.) I got Mr. Jones clear of that.
(To Mr. Jones.)—Why did you not pay this gate?
Because we had never been used to pay this gate, and they wanted to put the costs upon me.

James Davies, clerk of the peace:

How many gates have been destroyed?
In the Radnorshire Trust there have been five gates destroyed.
Before the destruction of the gates, how many were there?
In there were 32; there must be 33 now.
How many of those gates that were destroyed have you restored?
We have restored all; at least we are taking toll at all. I do not know whether the gates are entirely up.

John Benn Walsh, parliamentary representative for Radnor county:

…The first outbreak occurred on ; I happened then to be at Pentybont, ten miles from Rhayader; and I was informed that the two bridge gates had been cut down the previous night. I immediately proceeded to Rhayader and inquired into the transaction, and ascertained the particulars upon the spot. I did not that day meet any of the magistrates, but I communicated with Dr. Venables and Mr. Oliver on the following day. I was not very well acquainted myself with the locality of the gates, but I immediately requested those gentlemen to communicate to me any grievances, or any well founded objections which might exist in that neighbourhood to the existence of any gates, as I was extremely anxious that we should, before taking any measures for vindicating the law, show every disposition to redress the grievances of the people in that part of the country, and those gentlemen particularly mentioned the lower gate doing to Cwmtoyddwr, a gate on the old Aberystwith road, at the top of the hill towards the Devil’s Bridge, in the confines of the county, the New Bridge Gate and Saint Harmons Gate; they mentioned those as gates against which objections might be entertained, and particularly pressed upon me the New Bridge Gate, and stated a very strong case as regards that gate. I was extremely desirous of showing every disposition to enter into the discussion of the grievances of the people, and I immediately consented to bring forward the case of New Bridge Gate at the following turnpike meeting. The feeling I think was, that at that time the cutting down of those gates was the work of a party who are not inhabitants of that immediate neighbourhood; it was supposed that they came from Brecknockshire and Cardiganshire. The steps that were taken then, were an order for the re-erection of those gates. We then proceeded to call a general meeting of the magistrates of the county, who passed resolutions declarative of their determination to repress any attempt at outrage; and at the same time their willingness to give every facility for hearing all complaints which might properly be brought forward, and to redress grievances which might be proved and established. They proceeded to appoint special constables for the protection of the property in Rhayader. The magistrates in the neighbourhood of Rhayader, made a very strong representation to the meeting of the inadequacy of such a force, except under the control and direction of some competent police sergeant, or person accustomed to the organization of such a force. They expressed the strongest conviction that it would be impossible to procure persons who would do their duty, except under some such superintendance, and they likewise very strongly represented that a force composed of special constables, would be a very inadequate one under any circumstances. An application was in consequence made to the Secretary of State, and a sergeant of police was sent down for the purpose of organizing that force. There was no further outbreak until about a month afterwards; the New Bridge Gate was in the first instance attacked and was destroyed, that was the gate the question of the removal of which was brought forward at the meeting, but it was considered that it would be illegal to remove that gate, which formed part of the security which was pledged to the creditors for the interest of their debt. This gate was the first which was destroyed. On receiving information of its destruction, I immediately repaired to New Bridge, and with Dr. Venables, Mr. Oliver, and another magistrate swore in special constables, and ordered that that gate should be re-erected. I likewise considered that it would be necessary to strengthen the special constables, by employing a portion of the military force which had been placed at my disposal by General Brown, which was stationed at New Bridge as a guard in aid of the special constables. Two days afterwards, I received intelligence of a more serious outbreak at Rhayader. Immediately on being made acquainted with it, I signed a requisition to the commanding officer at Builth, to move a detachment upon Rhayader in aid of the civil power, and I then proceeded to Rhayader and made myself acquainted with the particulars of the outbreak which had there occurred. It appeared that three parties had simultaneously approached the town of Rhayader, in the direction of the adjoining parish of Cwmtoyddwr, and Saint Harmons, and Nantmel; they joined as it appeared at the Saint Harmons gate, which they levelled and proceeded to the Penybont, or East Gate, which they likewise demolished. A metropolitan sergeant of police, accompanied by six special constables, met them marching from the Penybont Gate towards the main street, through the town upon the main road. The sergeant drew up his men in a line and called to them to halt. The party walked forward in defiance of this appeal, and ordered him to stand back. When they came up to the special constables, they diverged to the right and passed them. The front rank pointed their guns at the police officer and special constables, and threatened to shoot them; the rear ranks fired several guns in the air, but the front rank always kept their guns pointed at the police officers without discharging them. They defied them to take them; the police constable and special constables being unarmed did not venture to interfere with them. The police officer, who has been in the army, computed their number at from 120 to 150 persons. He observed that they marched in military array, that they maintained good order, and that they were obedient to the word of command, which was given to them by one of the party. They walked through the town to the two bridge gates which had been restored since the former attack, and again demolished them, and proceeded to demolish the turnpike toll-house. The constables were entirely overpowered and intimidated, and did not venture to pursue them further than the bridge. In consequence of the representations which had been very strongly made to me, of the entire inefficiency of the special constables as a force to deal with disturbances of this character, and after communicating with Mr. Davies, the clerk of the peace, and other magistrates, I made an application to the Secretary of State for the assistance of a body of metropolitan police, who arrived on the following day, two days after this affair had occurred. They have since been employed in protecting the gates, and also in endeavouring to trace and detect the perpetrators of this outrage. From the reports which they have made to me, as well as from the observations which I have been enabled to make, I have no doubt of the existence of an organized system, and that the greater part of the inhabitants of the parishes in the immediate neighbourhood of Rhayader, particularly those of Cwmtoyddwr, and Llanwrthll, and Cwm Elau, in Brecknockshire, and Saint Harmons, and a portion of the parish of Nantmel, and a portion of the parish of Llanyre are confederated together. I have every reason to suppose that the heads of this Rebecca confederacy in those parishes, are the principal farmers and occupying tenants of those parishes. The police have entirely failed in their attempts, to bring home any legal evidence of the guilt of any parties; at the same time the general report of the neighbourhood and other circumstances, leave me in no doubt whatever, that the inhabitants of those parishes are almost all cognizant of the persons who committed those outrages, and that in point of fact the inhabitants of those parishes are the parties who were guilty of them.
Would it not appear, then, from the statement which you have made, that if the gates were to be replaced upon their former footing, and the military and police were withdrawn, attacks upon them, similar to those which have already taken place, would be renewed?
I entertain no doubt that at the present time, with the present disposition of the inhabitants of those parishes, unless some measures of protection or repression were adopted, the obnoxious gates would be immediately destroyed again if the military and police were withdrawn.
Does it not appear, from the mode in which they proceeded, that they discriminate between one gate and another; that it is not a rebellion against all gates, but against some gates only?
Yes, they spared two gates and they destroyed four; whether that was discrimination on their part, or whether they had not time to destroy the others, I do not know, but I should conceive that they certainly did intend to destroy those gates particularly, against which a strong complaint existed in the neighbourhood. I am inclined to think that their object was to attack those gates which were previously obnoxious to the neighbourhood, and against which they conceived that they had just cause of complaint.
The conclusion, therefore, to which you come is, that if it were possible so to modify the gates as to remove the particular cause of complaint, the system of collecting tolls need not be abandoned from any apprehension of resistance on the part of the country?
I am not prepared to say what the ultimate objects of this sort of combination are. It certainly appears to me, from a conversation which I had with the parties at Rhayader, that they have other objects in view, not immediately connected with gates, but particularly directed against tithes, and in some respects against the poor-law. I conceive that this confederacy has other and more important objects in view, and that the gates are only in the first instance attacked as being the most prominent, and perhaps the least defensible. I would add, in respect to the principle upon which I have acted throughout these outrages, that my anxious wish has been to give every possible facility to parties pursuing any legal and proper modes of obtaining redress for grievances and preferring complaints in a respectful and proper manner, but that I have felt a very strong impression of the absolute necessity of vindicating the authority of the law, by the adoption of firm and energetic measures at the outset. I entertain a strong persuasion that there are elements in other parts of the county which might very easily take fire, if a certain degree of firmness was not shown at Rhayader. Rhayader is a part of this county which is more immediately in connection with those portions of other counties which have been, unfortunately, the scenes of these Rebecca outrages lately. From the disposition of the people, from the small divisions of property, and from, perhaps, the backward state of that part of the county, I always feared that it would be in the first instance visited by these disturbances, if they appeared at all among us. I felt, therefore, that it was necessary to make every exertion to repress them in the outset at Rhayader. I have been at the same time extremely anxious to win back the people to a respect for the laws, and to invite, and, if possible, to obtain their co-operation in repressing these outrages, and in rendering their services as special constables for the preservation of the peace. I entertain hopes that they are themselves now sufficiently convinced of the folly, as well as the criminality, of these proceedings, and that there is a disposition at present in that locality, if we can at all conciliate the feelings of the better disposed to come forward, to give the authorities an assurance that these excesses will not be repeated, and I should myself deprecate very much any withdrawal of the force which is at present provided for the preservation of the peace, and for the maintenance of the authority of the magistrates and of the law until some such disposition was evinced on the part of the population of those parishes. I think it would be wise, as soon as such a feeling shall appear to be displayed, to confide in it. Of course there must be a certain discretion reposed in the magistrates of the hundred, and those who are immediately in contact with the persons, as to the guarantee which they give, but the disposition of my mind is to repose a confidence in those parties as soon as they come forward in such a manner and intimate their wish to preserve the peace, and I think that we might, after the display of force, and the decided measures which we have adopted at the outset, hope in that case that peace might be restored in the county, and that these disorders would not further encroach upon it.
The Commissioners understand that no actual outbreak took place at Knighton, but that the moving of troops there was in apprehension of an outbreak?
Exactly, and as the question is put to me, I may be permitted to state, very shortly, the circumstances which led to the application for military force. I received from a highly respectable individual, resident in Knighton, a gentleman of great local knowledge, a communication informing me that an attack upon the workhouse had been threatened, that he had received information of that fact from a source which he considered entitled to credit, and submitting to me the propriety of sending a military force for the protection of the workhouse and the town. I immediately considered it my duty to repair to the town of Knighton to investigate the circumstances upon the spot, before I gave any such order, and I there convened a meeting of the magistrates of the hundred, and although considerable doubt was expressed by some of the magistrates of the correctness of the information which had been given to me, yet upon the whole they unanimously voted for an application to the authorities for a military force for the protection of the workhouse. I forwarded that application, and the force was immediately sent there at the request of the magistrates. I have received communications since from the magistrates of the hundred; they have instituted a very complete inquiry, I believe, into the sources of the information which created this alarm, and I am perfectly satisfied upon their communication with me, that the danger does not exist, and in consequence of receiving a communication from them to that effect, I have forwarded a letter to the commander of the district recommending that the military force should be withdrawn.

Edward Williams, clerk of the Breknockshire Trust:

Were any gates taken down by the Rebeccaites?
Only one gate, that was the Ceffnllandewi Gate.

Francis McKiernin & George Laing:

Have any of those gates been pulled down?
[McKiernin] Yes, we are both out on bail, charged with having pulled the gates down.
[Laing] And that a gate we never wanted to come through.
[McKiernin] I was never out of my house that night, but a drunken fellow informed against me, and I was admitted to bail.

Thomas Penrice:

Have you anything to say to the Commissioners?
Lately the magistrates have ordered two gates in Gower, the gates of Kilvrough and Cartersford, to be guarded, which gates do not interfere with the parish at all, but they happen to be placed in two parishes which are nearly all my own property; and now, in consequence of a letter from the Secretary of State, the parish constables are ordered to be paid by the parish; they say that is the law; they read the Act of Parliament in a different way from what I do; but the parishioners are very much discontented about it, and in fact I am almost afraid we shall have Rebeccaism there, where nothing of the sort ever existed before, for they are all English people.
Was any gate pulled down in Gower?
Yes, one gate in the Welsh part of Gower was pulled down, that was the Poinfalt Gate. I wrote to the magistrates’ clerk to beg that the magistrates would take the constables away, for I knew there was no fear of anything, but they remained for five weeks, till the expenses of guarding those gates now are 15 guineas each week, and I consider it to be perfectly useless, as a magistrate, knowing the disposition of the people.
What led to the guarding of those gates; was there any attack upon the gates?
No; it was only because the chief constable chose to recommend it; and the hardship is that the parish should pay for it, where there is not one person in the parish that has occasion to go through the gate except my own tenant, who lives at my farm, and I am sure he would not attack it, and all the other parishioners live on the other side.

Thomas Arnold Marten, clerk of the Swansea & Wych Tree Trust:

Were any of the gates in the Trust pulled down?
The Pontardulais Gate was, and the Bolgoed Bar, the Pomfalt Gate in Gower, the Rhydypandy Gate, and the Red House Bars.
What have the trustees done with respect to those gates that were taken down, have they restored them?
They have restored the Pontardulais Gate and the Red House Bars; they removed the other gates and bar.

Thomas Bullin, who rented and supervised collection at many toll gates:

…there were four gates on this Whitland Trust put up, and I rented them, and I gave 800l. for the whole of the gates there. I do not think that many people knew we were going to take tolls (there were notices given, but there are not many newspapers taken in that part of the country) till the gates were put up. After they were put up the people seemed very uneasy; they were put up at the time the lime season began; they had no sooner been put up than one was taken down one night, and then another the next night; and Mr. John Jones, a gentleman well known in the county, and a few more gentlemen residing in Carmarthenshire, met at St. Clear’s as trustees, who had never acted before, at least I never saw them. I found I should have some difficulty in collecting the toll; I had paid 200l. in advance, and I wished to get my money back and give up the gates, and they said they had spent all the money; and I was left therefore in the lurch, and I have never had the money till this day.
Did you give up the gates?
Yes, I did, because Mr. Jones and the rest wished me, as being the renter, to give them up, so that they might do away with all those gates which had been taken down; so I told them that I would willingly give up, because I knew that I should have great difficulty in taking the toll; but I thought that they were doing wrong all the time, because it was an encouragement to people to do wrong, and I thought it would be a great advantage to have good roads; but however it was determined to do away with them, but not by the commissioners in that part of the country, but by persons who came from different parts of Carmarthenshire.
Were you present at the meeting when it was agreed not to re-erect those gates?
Yes, I was.
What was said at the meeting, and what did you prophesy about the effect of it?
My belief was, that there would not be many gates in that part of the country if they gave way to the people in that sort of manner.
Did you say that the consenting to keep down those gates would be the cause of pulling down the gates generally?
I did.
Where was the meeting?
At the Blue Boar, St. Clear’s.
When?
How soon after that meeting was there any outbreak?
After these gates were done away with, and the people were rejoicing at what they had done, the name Rebecca originated in the neighbourhood of St. Clear’s, because they used to ring that in my ears, “Rebecca will come to you.”
As long ago as that?
Yes.
Was that after the meeting?
Yes, after the meeting the person that took the lead was called “Becca.”
Who was that person?
I do not know. I have no doubt it was some respectable man in that part of the country, but I do not know who it was.
When did you first hear that name used?
As soon as ever the first gate was taken down, this leader was called “Becca and her daughters.”
How soon was it after the trustees had taken down this gate in consequence of the resolution of the meeting, that any gates were pulled down by the mob?
It was in ; there was a bar put up near St. Clear’s, and they took that down.
Was that in the same district?
No, on the turnpike-road; they then returned to this Whitland Trust again, and took down nearly every one on the Trust, bars, gates, and all into the town of Narberth.
When was that?
In ; whether there was one left standing I do not know.
There have been some re-erected, have there not?
Yes. Then the people began to be excited in the county through the reports, particularly the reports which appeared in the “Times” and other papers, for my belief is that this was excited by the papers more than anything else; that that was the cause of it, from the newspapers giving the accounts and exciting the people. It was supposed, from the accounts in the papers, that they were doing right, and were backed on by different people where they had their grievances, or had a spite against different people.

Robert Cook, assistant clerk of the Llantrissant Trust:

There were two gates removed by violence, and persons were convicted for taking one away, one gate at a place called Cwmnar; there was only a chain there, no gate.
Was not the Cross Vane Gate taken off?
Yes, and destroyed.
And never seen again?
No.
That is a gate at the very entrance to your Trust, about six miles from Cardiff?
Yes, about six or seven miles, between Cardiff and Llantrissant.
Were any parties taken up for that?
They were not found out; and Chapel Gate, and toll boards were demolished.
That is a third one?
Yes.
Was that a gate or a chain?
A gate.
The toll boards were destroyed?
Yes.
Were not the toll boards also destroyed at Newbridge?
I believe one of the toll boards was split through.
When were those three gates on the Llantrissant district destroyed or removed?
About .
Which was the first taken down?
Chapel Gate.
Which was the next?
Cross Vane, and that was a week or nine days afterwards.
The third?
The third about , the parties were brought before the magistrates.
Was it done in the night?
That was done in the night, and the other was done in the night.
Was part of the toll house taken down?
They began unroofing the toll house at Cwmnar; it is a very low toll house that might be reached with their hands from the ground.
Was it done violently and outrageously, and in defiance of the law?
I suppose it was done in a fit of drunkenness.
Were any people seen disguised about there?
There were two men seen; the toll gatherer saw them.
Were their faces blackened?
No; they did not disguise themselves; they were found near the toll house; they had been to a public house close by.
Have the gates been set up again?
They have not; at the one at Chapel they have put a chain.
At Cross Vane?
No.
Do they receive any toll at Cross Vane?
Yes; they demand toll regularly, but there are several who go through without paying; some will pay and others will not.
How long has that gate been placed there?
About six or seven years.
And it has been a good deal objected to, has it not?
Only lately. I have never heard any complaint before.
The toll is not now regularly taken?
It is demanded, and refused sometimes by some parties.
Do they take them before the magistrates?
They keep a list of them.
Do you know any party who refuses to pay?
No.
Has any party been summoned for refusing?
Not yet, but they are to be. It is proposed to be abolished on .

Some links from here and there:

  • The Literary Atlas of Wales has created an interesting interactive map-based exploration of the Rebecca Riots of the mid-19th century — a grassroots rebellion that focused on destroying the tollgates that were going up all over Wales: Plotting the Rebecca Riots.
  • Having been thwarted by the bonnets rouges (red caps) in its attempt to add a mileage tax to truck transport, the French government has attempted to attach an increased tax to vehicle fuel. Now a gilets jaunes (yellow vests) movement has arisen to try to repeat the bonnets rouges’ success. The movement is organizing a highway blockade for .
  • Fuel tax protests are ramping up in New Zealand as well. In general, fuel taxes, carbon taxes, and other such “ecotaxes” seem to be a hard sell.
  • The Greek “won’t pay” movement continues to deploy guerrilla electricians to reconnect the power at households that have gone dark because of their inability or unwillingness to pay the inflated prices of the state utility monopoly.
  • NWTRCC held its Fall 2018 national gathering in Cleveland. Erica Leigh reports on the happenings, for the NWTRCC blog.
  • The grassroots war on traffic ticket issuing speed cameras continues: