A good summary of the Quaker Peace Testimony and its relation to military
fines and taxes can be found in Stephen B. Weeks’s Southern
Quakers and Slavery: A Study in Institutional History
().
Today I’ll reproduce some excerpts from that book that speak to Quaker tax
resistance in the years before the American Revolution. Some of this I may end
up cutting from the book I’m preparing on Quaker war tax resistance
because it deals with the tangential (but interesting to me) issue of the
Regulator War and the Whiskey Rebellion, both of which were tax rebellions,
and in both of which a certain fighting Quaker — Hermon Husband — played a
prominent role.
Before the Revolution
Southern Quakers have been pretty uniform in their testimony against war.
Their position met with small respect in any of these colonies. They refused
to train and were fined. They refused to pay the fine and it was collected
by distress or they were imprisoned. They were alike unmoved by distress or
imprisonment. The officers were forced to abandon persecution by the firm
meekness of the persecuted.
Friends were always careful to put their sufferings on record. Whatever else
the Quaker might suffer, he could not bear for the shade of oblivion to come
over the record of his testimonies. They seem to have suffered from militia
laws at an earlier period in Virginia than in North Carolina. The first law
that comes under our notice is the one of ,
which recites that “divers refractory persons” have “refused to appear upon
the days of exercise and other times when required to attend upon the public
service,” and then imposes on them for each neglect a fine of 100 pounds of
tobacco. The new militia act of makes no
exemption of Quakers. The fine was the same as before. It was collected by
distress, or imprisonment was inflicted, and the records indicate that
Friends suffered from the law.
The first trial of this kind in North Carolina dates from
. In the Culpeper rebellion in this colony
in , Friends first gave their allegiance to
the government of Miller and Eastchurch. When the party of the people came
into power, in accord with their well-known principles of non-resistance,
they submitted to it; but declared themselves a “separated people,” and that
they “stood single from all the seditious actions” which had taken place in
Albemarle in .
“Then some suffering fell upon friends which we not finding in ye old Book,
we thought good to insert here; so that it may be seen generations to come,”
says the chronicler, writing of the year .
“It was thus, the government made a Law that all that would not bear arms in
ye Muster-field, should be at ye Pleasure of ye Court fined, accordingly
friends not bearing arms in ye field; they had several friends before ye
Court, and they fined them he that had a good Estate a great sum & ye
rest according to their estates; and Cast them into prison, & when they
were in prison, they went & levied their fines upon their estates; There
were nine friends put in prison,
viz. William
Bundy John Price, Jona Phelps James Hogg John Thusstone Henry
Prows Rich. Byer Saml Hill Steven Handcock. They were put in
prison about .”
This record of persecution comes to us from the manuscript records of the
Society. It is a new one, and one which the author is inclined to attribute
entirely to the disordered state of the colony. The “rebellion” of Culpeper
was at an end, but its leaders were still the controllers of the policy of
the government, and the persecution may have been due to vindictiveness
against the publishers of the protest which we have noticed. This is borne
out by the fact that of the nine Friends imprisoned, the names of three,
perhaps of five, were signed to the protest. There seems to have been no
further persecution.
The North Carolina Quakers were prominent in the first part of the “Cary
Rebellion,” . This was a war of
words only…. They refused to fight in the Indian war of
. They steadily exhorted each other
not to go to this war, and even punished such of their members as paid the
five pound penalty attached to the refusal. As soon as the Government ceased
to persecute them, they settled down to quiet and made good citizens.
North Carolina Quakers seem to have had a comparatively easy time. In theory
they were under disadvantages from muster laws, but in reality they suffered
little. In they protest against the tax
levied to provide a magazine for each county, for that would be “to wound”
their tender conscience. In they
consult London Friends as to paying the tax levied in provisions to support
troops. We do not know the answer. Committees were appointed from time to
time to confer with the authorities on this and similar matters. They seem to
have come to little conclusion. Muster fines, sometimes collected by
distress, are reported at nearly every meeting, but they were small in
amount, and the muster law, like the tithe law, seems to have been
spasmodically enforced.
In Virginia, on the other hand, Friends had a harder road to travel. Fines
were heavier and were more rigidly collected. As early as
the Yearly Meeting recorded that “Friends
are generally fined for not bearing arms and that grand oppression of priests
wages, though the magistrates are pretty moderate at present and truth gains
ground.” In Governor Spotswood came in
conflict with Friends over this testimony. He undertook to force assistance
from them on the ground that otherwise the lazy and cowardly would plead
conscience; some Friends yielded so far as to assist in building forts. The
sense of the Yearly Meeting was “that those Friends who have given away their
Testimony, by hiring, paying, or working, to make any fort, or defense
against enemies, do give from under their hands to the monthly meeting for
the clearing the truth.”
It is to be understood, of course, that there was no recognition or exemption
of dissenting ministers in the military acts. The military law of
exempted “ministers,” while that of
confined it to ministers of the Church of
England. This indicates that dissenting ministers had claimed exemption under
the broader law, and that the Assembly was not willing to recognize them.
The act of , exempted all
Quakers from personal service, but required them to furnish a substitute, or
to be fined for neglect. This law, while seeming to be one looking toward
recognition of the peculiar views of Friends, was not in reality such. To a
society which condemns war and all its paraphernalia in toto, personal
exemption can be no favor. It was no favor to a Quaker to allow him to send a
substitute or pay a fine. In they record
that their sufferings had been “very considerable,” both on account of
“militia and priests’ wages,” and are of the opinion that they “are likely to
increase greatly on that account.” In they
say “the men in military power act toward us in several counties with as much
lenity and forbearance as we can reasonably expect, as they are ministers of
the law; though in some places they are not so favorable,” and Friends had
been in prison for neglect of military duties during the visit of Bownas.
and the
period just preceding it were times of great trial to Friends in this matter.
The English settlers believed that French agents were trying to stir up the
Indians, and that in the onslaught against English civilization the Indians
would be led by Frenchmen, little more civilized or humane in their conduct
of war than the savages themselves. To guard against this the Assembly of
Virginia passed various acts in ,
, ,
, ,
, , for
raising levies and recruits, for the better training of militia, and keeping
them in readiness. The Assembly also undertook to increase the number of
available troops, and, to fill the quotas of the militia, passed laws in
and , requiring the members of the county militia who had no wives
or children to stand a draft; but any person drafted might secure a
substitute, or be released on the payment of ten pounds. If they refused
they were imprisoned until they agreed to serve, to procure a substitute, or
paid the fine. From time to time it voted various sums to be expended on
these matters and on the better defense of the province.
The tax, since it was laid for war purposes, was a source of trouble. But
Friends generally complied in paying this tax without inquiring too closely
into the way it was spent. English Friends wrote that this was their custom,
and it was also the custom of the Pennsylvania Friends. This caused some of
the Friends who were not anxious to pose as martyrs to treat the fine for
refusing to stand the draft or procure a substitute as a part of the general
levy. This fine when paid also went for war purposes, but the Society as a
whole denounced the practice and warned their members against it.
The act of , did not exempt the
Quakers.…
Here, a footnote reads: “The next act, for ‘the better regulating and training
the militia,’ in prescribing accoutrements says ‘that every person so as
aforesaid enlisted (except the people commonly called Quakers, free mulattoes,
negroes and Indians),’
etc., which
indicates that they were not on the same footing as others, but that this did
not mean exemption is shown clearly from their records. Nor are they included
in the list of exempted persons mentioned in section three of the same act.”
…An act of , provided that every
twentieth man of the county militia should be drafted and sent to the
frontier at Winchester under
Col. Washington. This is
followed by another for “better regulating and disciplining the militia,”
which exempted ministers of the Church of England, but no dissenting
ministers. Nor were Quakers mentioned in the section directing the
accoutrements, as was done in the similar act of
. They were shown no favors, and
the Yearly Meeting records of state that
seven young men had already been carried to the frontier. They asked advice
of London Yearly Meeting in the case. They exhorted the men thus tried to
remain faithful to their testimony, took up a collection for their relief,
and recorded that Friends were “pretty generally faithful.” In their epistle
to London Yearly Meeting in they stated
that those Friends were now released who had been imprisoned the year before,
that application had been made to the Assembly about this requirement, and
that the officers now had a more favorable opinion of Friends. This was
probably the severest trial through which Virginia Friends were called to go
because of this testimony.
The North Carolina Quakers also thought it necessary for them to attend the
courts-martial in and give the reasons of
Friends for not attending musters, and likewise to send a petition to the
Governor against the militia law, but it does not appear that they were
brought to trial on these points during the French and Indian war.
In Virginia Quakers appointed a committee
to petition the Assembly for relief from military fines,
etc. This
petition may have had influence on the law passed in
. By this law Quakers were
exempted from appearing at private or general musters, and were not required
to provide a set of arms as all other exempts were. So far the law is good;
it is further provided that the chief militia officer in each county should
list all Quakers of military age, and if needed, these would have to go into
actual service just as other persons, except that they might furnish a
substitute or pay a fine of ten pounds. But the number of Quakers who were
thus required to serve or find substitutes was not to exceed the proportion
the whole number of Quakers bore to the whole number of other militia. The
law required also that no Quaker should be exempted from musters unless he
produced a testimonial that he was a bona fide Quaker.
This law was a decided gain for the Quaker, although it was not a complete
recognition of his position on war. It recognized this position absolutely in
times of peace by exempting him from musters, and even gave him a privilege
over other exempts by relieving him from the requirement to furnish a set of
arms. But it failed him entirely in time of war. As early as
an attempt had been made in North Carolina
to get a law exempting Quakers, but it was opposed by the Council, who
offered to substitute in place of the regular equipment of the soldier that
of the pioneer — axe, spade, shovel or hoe. This failed to become law; but by
the terms of a special act, which is substantially a copy of the Virginia law
of , passed in
for five years, Quakers were released from
attendance on general or private musters, provided that they were regularly
listed and served in the regular militia in case of insurrection or invasion.
From a petition which the Quakers presented to the Governor and the Assembly
of North Carolina in , we may
conclude that Tryon had in some cases exempted them from the penalty of the
laws. We find also certificates of unity given to some of their members, who
were liable to military duty, in . These
certificates seem to have relieved them practically from all militia
requirements.
At the beginning of the Revolution, Friends had been exempted from attending
musters in Virginia and North Carolina, but not from being enrolled in the
militia or from serving in case of insurrection. I have found no indications
that Quakers had been exempted at this time from military laws in South
Carolina and Georgia. They were too weak in both of these provinces to affect
their legislation. There had been some suffering in South Carolina on account
of this testimony about the time of the Yemassee war in
.
Quakers kept a careful record of all the fines they suffered by distress or
otherwise. These sufferings varied from year to year according to the
personal feeling of the officers. They were heavier in Virginia than in North
Carolina; only in do we find an entry in
that State of sufferings amounting to £85 and over for tithes and “malissia”
fines.…
I have no idea what a “malissia” fine is. Any clue?
Oh. I get it. It’s a phonetic spelling of “militia” by someone who was
unfamiliar with the word.
…The chief cause of suffering there was for tithes. In Virginia, on the other
hand, the fines seem to have been about equally divided.
Another footnote here: “They have recorded fines for neglect of
military duty in Virginia as follows: , £12
5s.; , £84
11s.
5d.; , £61
1s.; , £131
8s.
1d.; , £59
14s.
8d.; , £10
9s.
2d.; , £16
14s.; , £4
11s.
6d.; , £86
19s.
4½d., mostly military.
From this time there is no distinction between ‘priest’s
wages’ and militia fines. The sums are as follows: , £98
13s.
5d.; , £108
6s.
10d.; , £90
14s.; , £80
13s.; , £103;
There has been an extensive belief that Friends were active in the War of
the Regulation in North Carolina in 1771. This
belief is founded partly on the charge of Governor Tryon, that the Regulators
were a faction of Baptists and Quakers who were trying to overthrow the
Church of England. This charge, like the similar charge made by the
aristocracy in North Carolina in 1705–11,
is more easily made than proved. The Quakers are easily shown from their
records not to have been Regulators. There were, of course, individual
Quakers who took part in the Regulation; many more no doubt sympathized with
the principles advocated; but no complicity with the events of
1766–71 was tolerated by the meetings in
their organic capacity.
The foundation for this charge lies, no doubt, largely in the fact that
Hermon Husband, the leader of the Regulators, had been a Quaker. He had been
disowned by the Society, however, but not for immorality, as Governor Tryon
states. Since no North Carolina Quaker is more widely known than Husband, it
is desirable that we know as many facts as possible of his life. Hermon
Husband was born October 3, 1724, in all
probability in Cecil County,
Md. His grandfather, William
Husband, made a will, March 25, 1717. He
writes himself as of “Sissil” County, Maryland; he had cattle, “Hoggs and
sheape,” and negroes, and speaks of “the Iron works that belongs to me.” He
had a good deal of land. William, the father of Hermon, was also of Cecil
County. His will was probated March 10,
1768. He also had negroes, and was not a Quaker. His son Joseph, born
February 15, 1736(37), was the
first of the family to turn Quaker. His convincement influenced Hermon among
others. Hermon became a prominent man among the Quakers of East Nottingham,
Md. He once got a
certificate to visit Barbadoes. He was first in North Carolina about
1751, when he removed to Carver’s Creek Monthly
Meeting in Bladen County. How long he remained here we do not know, but on
December 6, 1755, he presented a
certificate of removal to Cane Creek Monthly Meeting. He returned from Cane
Creek to Nottingham in 1759, and, on
February 27, 1761, presented a certificate
of removal from Cane Creek to West River Monthly Meeting,
Md. He got a certificate to
go back to Cane Creek, July 24, 1761, and
on July 3, 1762, Friends report to Cane
Creek that the marriage of Hermon Husband and Mary Pugh had been orderly.
Footnote: “At this period Husband also set up some claims to authorship, as
the following title will show: Some | Remarks | on | Religion, | With the
Author’s Experience in Pursuit thereof, | For the Consideration of all People;
| Being the real Truth of what happened. I Simply delivered, without the Help
of School-Words, or Dress | of Learning. | Philadelphia: | Printed by William
Bradford for the Author. | M,DCC,LXI.
Octavo, pp. 88.
(Hildeburn’s Issues of the Press in
Pa.) The copy in Library
Company of Philadelphia has the author’s name noted on the title-page
in the handwriting of Du Simitiere. At the end of the tract it is said to
have been ‘written about the year 1750.’”
This year a commotion began in Cane Creek Monthly Meeting which led to the
disownment of Husband, the suspension of others, and involved the monthly
meeting, the quarterly meeting, and even the Yearly Meeting, in a religious
wrangle. The origin of this trouble was as follows: In
1762, Rachel Wright, a member of Cane Creek
Monthly Meeting, committed some disorder. She offered a paper condemning the
same. This seems to have been accepted, and in
1763 she asked for a certificate of removal to
Fredericksburg,
S.C. But some
members of the monthly meeting thought she was not sincere in the paper
offered and did not wish to give her the certificate. A wrangle resulted, and
the case was appealed to the quarterly meeting, which recommended that the
certificate be given. Husband, evidently a man who was accustomed to speak
fearlessly, was thereupon “guilty of making remarks on the actions and
transactions” of the meeting; he spoke “his mind,” and was guilty of
“publicly advertising the same”; for this he was disowned by Cane Creek
Monthly Meeting, January 7, 1764. But in
the meantime his party had grown, and a number of Friends signed a paper in
which they expressed dissatisfaction with the disowning of Husband. The
quarterly meeting then appointed a committee to advise with the malcontents,
of whom the leaders were said to be Hermon Husband, Joseph Maddock, Isaac
Vernon, Thomas Branson, John and William Marshill, and Jonathan Cell, “with
divers others.” In February, 1764, the
committee report “that it would be of dangerous consequences to allow them
the privilege of active members, or to be made use of as such in any of our
meetings of business until suitable satisfaction is made for their
outgoings.” Maddock, Cell and the Marshills felt “uneasy and aggrieved with
the proceedings and judgement of this meeting,” and filed notice of an appeal
to the Yearly Meeting. The Yearly Meeting decided that Western Quarterly
Meeting did wrong in granting a certificate to Rachel Wright, “if it was to
be made a precedent,” and that the minute of the quarterly meeting which
suspended from active membership those who had signed the other paper
expressing dissatisfaction with the disowning of Hermon Husband should be
reversed. The quarterly meeting thereupon acknowledged itself wrong in the
matter of Rachel Wright; Fredericksburg Monthly Meeting was informed of the
conditions surrounding the certificate, and the parties under ban were
restored to active membership, for we find Joseph Maddock and William
Marshill serving as representatives from Cane Creek Monthly Meeting to
Western Quarterly Meeting in February, 1765.
But this did not restore Husband. He had been formally disowned, and
disappears from this time from the records of North Carolina Quakerism. It is
probable that some of these discontented Friends were led by this trouble to
join the Regulators. It does not appear that the trouble was healed, for we
find that two men, Joseph Maddock and Jonathan Sell, laid the foundation of
the Georgia settlement of Friends in 1770. They
were no doubt the same as the persons who have just been mentioned. It is
probable that they carried a considerable contingent of settlers with them
from Cane Creek.
It is now time for us to return to Hermon Husband and the part taken by
Friends in the War of the Regulation. Caruthers, who gives the traditions
among the people who knew him, characterizes Husband as a man of superior
mind, grave in deportment, somewhat taciturn, wary in conversation, but when
excited, forcible and fluent in argument. He was a man of strict integrity
and firm in his advocacy of the right. He had considerable property, and took
the part of the people in their complaints against the extortions of the
officers. He was a member of the Assembly in 1769
and 1770. His participation in the Regulation movement brought the
Government down on him, and he was imprisoned for more than fifty days,
awaiting trial on charges on which the grand jury could not agree to return
an indictment. He was also presented for riot under an ex post
facto law, and was six times acquitted by juries in Craven and Orange
counties of all offenses alleged against him. He was expelled from the
Assembly, and after the battle of the Alamance, at which he was not present,
was outlawed, and a reward of $100, or 1,000 acres of land, was offered for
his arrest, dead or alive. He soon left North Carolina, returned to
Pennsylvania, and became prominent in the Whiskey Rebellion in
1794.
Footnote: “I find in the minutes of Western Quarterly Meeting in
1766 a notice of the disorderly marriage of ‘Amey
Allin now Husbands.’ Was this a second wife of Hermon Husband? In
May, 1788, William Husband was disowned by
Cane Creek for fighting. Was he a son of Hermon?”
Husband’s career was clearly inconsistent with the unwarlike creed of the
Quakers. His intentions were probably good, but because he had been a Quaker,
the Society has had the credit of being a leader in the movement that
culminated in the battle of the Alamance on May
16, 1771. Without entering at all into the merits of that struggle, it
is sufficient to say that Friends, as a body, had nothing to do with it, and
in their official capacity condemned it to the fullest extent. A few extracts
from their records will show this clearly. Cane Creek Meeting was in the
center of the disturbance. The first mention we find of the troubles is in
1766, when seven members were disowned for
attending a “disorderly meeting,” probably one of the mass-meetings with
which the country was then alive. In 1768 two
Quakers were complained of for joining a body of persons to withdraw from the
paying of the taxes. They were disowned. In 1769
Hermon Cox was disowned for joining the Regulators. In
1771 denials were published against Benjamin and
James Underwood, Joshua Dixon, Isaac Cox, Samuel Cox and his two sons, Hermon
and Samuel, James Matthews, John and Benjamin Hinshaw, William Graves, Nathan
Farmer, Jesse Pugh, William Tanzy, John and William Williams, who all seem to
have been Regulators. Thomas Pugh was also disowned for joining, and Humphrey
Williams for aiding them. Three men were disowned by New Garden Monthly
Meeting for joining, and a fourth condemned himself in meeting for aiding
“with a gun.”
These are all the cases I have found that indicate the participation of the
Quakers in the political and civil troubles of the day. They remained
faithful to the Government. Governor Tryon made a requisition on them for
twenty beeves and ten barrels of flour for his army. They agreed to furnish
the things demanded, but pleaded that they could not do it within the limits
of time set. In 1772 Friends asserted their
loyalty and attachment to George
Ⅲ., and at the beginning
of the Revolution the Yearly Meeting, in its letter to the Society in North
Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, gave forth their “testimony against
all Plotting, Conspiracies, and insurrections against the king and government
whatsoever as works of darkness.”
The Regulation, no doubt, had a bad effect on the Society in this section.
The minutes of Cane Creek Monthly Meeting
from January, 1770, to June, 1771,
fill but two pages, as if outside matters were attracting their attention.
There were, moreover, many removals and few arrivals at Cane Creek. These
troubles caused, no doubt, a considerable exodus of Quakers to Bush River,
S.C., and to
Wrightsborough, Ga., just as
they sent many members of the Sandy Creek Baptist Association from the same
section to the banks of the Watauga in Eastern Tennessee.
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